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Lecture notes, cheat sheets
National history. Lecture notes: briefly, the most important
Directory / Lecture notes, cheat sheets Table of contents
Topic 1. Ancient Russia 1.1. Slavic ethnogenesis[1] "Where did the Russian land come from" - so back in the XII century. raised the question of the prehistory of our Fatherland, the author of the famous "Tale of Bygone Years" monk Nestor. Slavic languages belong to the Indo-European language family, which also includes Indian, Iranian, Germanic and other language groups. The collapse of the Indo-European community falls on the XNUMXth millennium BC. For the first time, the ancient Romans mentioned the Slavs at the very beginning of our era. Most historians believe that the Slavs are the original inhabitants of the East European Plain. The Slavs entered the historical arena in the XNUMXth-XNUMXth centuries. ad. The immediate ancestors of the Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians were the tribes of the Eastern Slavs. In the V-VI centuries. AD, the Slavs lived in the conditions of the tribal system. However, during this period, profound changes began in the social and political life of the Eastern Slavs. Ancient tribal relations are gradually giving way to the emerging elements of statehood. The basis of the economic life of the Eastern Slavs was agriculture, as well as domestic cattle breeding, hunting, fishing, beekeeping. Wheat, rye, oats, barley, millet, peas, beans, and buckwheat have long been cultivated in Eastern Europe. Blacksmithing, pottery, weaving, leather and other crafts reach a relatively high level of development. However, the final separation of craft from agriculture has not yet occurred. In the famous work of the chronicler Nestor, the names of the main Slavic tribes are given. The western bank of the Dnieper was occupied by the Glade tribe. The inhabitants of modern right-bank Ukraine and Pripyat Polissya were Drevlyans. Between the Pripyat and the Berezina were the lands of the Dregovichi, in the upper reaches of the Dnieper, Volga and Western Dvina - the Krivichi. The northernmost of the Slavic tribes were the Ilmenian Slavs, and the easternmost were the Vyatichi, who lived in the basin of the upper Oka. Starting around the 25th century there are tribal centers - fortified cities. So, on the land of the glades, Kyiv arose, on the land of the Ilmen Slavs - Novgorod, on the land of the Krivichi - Smolensk. Already in the IX-X centuries. on the lands of the Eastern Slavs, there were at least XNUMX cities. According to their beliefs, the ancient Slavs were pagans. They worshiped the forces of nature and the spirits of their ancestors. Sources testify to the worship of Perun - the god of lightning, thunder, war, Veles - the patron of cattle, Stribog - the god of the winds, Dazhdbog - the god of the sun, Svarog - the god of the sky. Along with male deities, female deities were also revered, headed by the goddess of fertility and the patroness of the Mokosh clan. 1.2. The formation of the Old Russian state and its first princes As a result of the unification of the East Slavic tribes, the process of formation of the Old Russian state began. There were many scientific disputes about the formation of the Old Russian state. More than 200 years ago, the so-called "Norman problem" arose in historical science. The fact is that the oldest Russian chronicles mention the calling in 862 to the Slavic lands of the Varangian princes, headed by Rurik, in order to stop internal strife. So in Russian sources the inhabitants of the Scandinavian Peninsula are called. They are also called differently - Normans, that is, "northern people." Regarding the "calling of the Varangians" and the formation of the Old Russian state, ideological discussions began later - in the XNUMXth century, after the transformations of Peter I and the creation of the Academy of Sciences. German researchers G.Z. Bayer, G.F. Miller, A.L. Schlozer, invited to serve in the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences, became the founders of the "Norman theory", according to which Russian statehood was introduced from outside. Its founders were not called Slavs, but aliens - Scandinavians. In the same period, an alternative theory, anti-Normanism, also became widespread. Its founders are M.V. Lomonosov and V.K. Trediakovsky. M.V. Lomonosov rightly called the Slavs an ancient people, whose history began long before the arrival of the Varangian princes. Most XNUMXth century historians in varying degrees were supporters of the Norman theory. In the historical science of the twentieth century, the Norman theory was subjected to merciless criticism. Its irreconcilable opponent was a prominent domestic scientist, author of many books on the history of Ancient Russia B.A. Rybakov. At present, most researchers do not deny a certain influence of the Normans on the development of Russian statehood, but its degree, in their opinion, should not be exaggerated. The leaders of the East Slavic tribes were called princes. Russian princes and tsars traced their genealogy to the Varangian prince Rurik (862-879). There is very little information about the life and work of Rurik. After the death of Rurik, who reigned in Novgorod, the Varangians also appeared on the Dnieper. The first ruler of Ancient Russia, about whom reliable information has been preserved, is Oleg (879-912), a relative of Rurik - the first real ruler of Ancient Russia, who united the lands of the Slavic tribes along the path "from the Varangians to the Greeks." Having captured Kyiv in 882, having killed Askold and Dir, who had previously reigned there, Oleg made it the capital and called it "the mother of Russian cities." This is how the united state of the Eastern Slavs arose, which received the name Kievan Rus in historical science. Oleg successfully fought against the powerful Byzantium, twice he made trips to Constantinople, the result of which were two peace treaties beneficial for Russia (907 and 911). Oleg's heir was Igor (912-945), according to some sources, the son of Rurik. Under him, the process of incorporating various tribal unions into the unified Kyiv state continued. He subjugated the tribe of ulichans and contributed to the foundation of Russian settlements on the Taman Peninsula. Igor continued the active foreign policy of his predecessor. He fought with the Khazars, organized military campaigns against Byzantium (941,944). In 944, a mutually beneficial agreement was concluded with Byzantium. Igor was the first of the Russian princes to face the Pechenegs, a Turkic nomadic people. With the help of the squad, the prince carried out polyudye - a periodic detour of subject lands in order to collect tribute. In 945, he was killed by the Drevlyans for trying to re-collect tribute. This tragic episode testifies to the fact that at that time the amount of tribute collected was not clearly defined. The first female ruler known to us in Russia was Igor's widow Olga (945-969). She managed to keep power over Kyiv and all of Russia. Under Olga, tributary duties were regulated and the tribute itself began to be brought to specially designated places. Olga is the first Russian who converted to Christianity under the name Elena. It happened in 957 in Constantinople. The Russian Orthodox Church canonized Olga as a saint. The son of Igor and Olga Svyatoslav Igorevich (964-972) was a talented commander. The warlike tribes of the Pechenegs, who lived in the Northern Black Sea region, and the ancient enemy of the Slavs, the Khazar Khaganate, posed a great threat to Russia. Svyatoslav defeated the Khazars and subjugated the Volga Bulgaria. His authority was recognized by many peoples of the Caucasus. In 968, Svyatoslav made his first campaign on the Danube and took a number of fortresses belonging to Byzantium. In the second campaign (969) Svyatoslav fought in the Balkans against Byzantium in alliance with the Bulgarians. After the Battle of Dorostol, Svyatoslav's troops were forced to leave the Balkans. Returning from the Danube campaign, Svyatoslav was killed by the Pechenegs. After the death of Svyatoslav Igorevich, an internecine war began between his sons. Vladimir (980-1015) emerged as the winner. Old Russian scribes call this prince equal to the apostles. According to the Orthodox tradition, this is the name of the saints who served to spread Christianity. After listening to theologians of different confessions, comparing the services, Vladimir settled on the Greek faith. In the historical memory of the Russian people, the prince who baptized Russia remained as Vladimir the Red Sun. Vladimir expanded and strengthened the Old Russian state: he finally conquered the Radimichi; made successful campaigns against the Poles, Pechenegs; founded new fortresses - cities (Pereyaslavl, Belgorod, etc.). In 980, Vladimir carried out a pagan reform. A pantheon of pagan gods was created, headed by Perun. But the traditional ancient religion no longer corresponded to either the ideological needs of the emerging state or the real conditions of the early Middle Ages. By that time, most European nations professed the Christian faith. (At the beginning of the XNUMXth century, two main currents formed in the Christian religion: Catholicism and Orthodoxy. Later, in the XNUMXth century, Protestantism arose.) By the end of the X century. the need of the young state to adopt a new faith became apparent. The monotheistic religion was intended to strengthen the power of the Grand Duke. Being a smart and far-sighted politician, Vladimir understood that the adoption of Christianity would strengthen the international position of Russia and would contribute to its familiarization with Byzantine culture. First, Vladimir himself was baptized. His example was followed by the boyars and combatants. And in 988, Prince Vladimir converted his people to Christianity. The Russian chronicle gives a vivid story about the overthrow of pagan idols, which the prince ordered to chop or burn. The process of Christianization of the country dragged on for many centuries. The new religion was confronted with remnants of pagan beliefs. The adoption of Christianity in Russia strengthened the power of the prince, thereby ensuring the strengthening of statehood, and contributed to the formation of the unity of the country and people. The international prestige of Russia also grew, the rulers of Christian states began to treat the Kyiv princes as equal sovereigns. Of particular importance was the adoption of Christianity for the development of Russian culture. Together with Christianity, the Cyrillic alphabet, invented in the XNUMXth century, came to our ancestors. Greek missionaries Cyril and Methodius. In the XI century. Russian chronicle is born. After the death of Vladimir, an internecine war began between his heirs, as a result of which Yaroslav (1019-1054), who received the nickname "Wise", became the prince of Kyiv. Under Yaroslav the Wise, the Old Russian state reached its highest power. Yaroslav united almost all ancient Russian lands under his rule. In 1030 he made a successful trip to the Baltic states, where he founded the city of Yuryev (now the city of Tartu). In 1036 he defeated the Pechenegs. After the victory, Russia for some time secured itself from the invasion of nomads. Yaroslav adopted the first code of laws - Russian Truth, rebuilt Kyiv, which in this era became one of the most beautiful cities in Europe. Prince Yaroslav installed the Kyiv monk Hilarion as a Russian metropolitan, thus eliminating the Church's dependence on Byzantium. Under Yaroslav, Russia's political ties with European states expanded significantly. Through the dynastic marriages of his children, he became related to the Polish, Hungarian, Norwegian, French, German royal courts. 2.3. Socio-economic and political relations in Ancient Russia In historical science, the question of the socio-economic system and social structure of Kievan Rus remains debatable. At the same time, most researchers agree that there were several socio-economic structures in Kievan Rus. In the social structure of ancient Russian society, clear elements of feudalism, the primitive communal system, and even slavery were manifested. The data of ancient Russian chronicles and other sources indicate that in Kievan Rus there was already a noticeable stratification of society. Its top was made up of princes, their close boyars ("princely men"), combatants, and clergymen. It is assumed that the development of large-scale feudal landownership, the formation of hereditary fiefs, which in Russia were called "patrimonial estates", began no earlier than the XNUMXth century. The bulk of the population in those days, apparently, were personally free peasants, called "people" in the sources. The community ("peace" or "rope") played an important role in their lives. Many sources mention smerds. Perhaps this word was a synonym for the concept of "people". Some historians believe that peasants dependent on feudal lords were called smerds. We do not have exact information about the ways of enslavement and forms of exploitation of smerds. There were also categories of peasants - purchases and ryadovichi, who were dominated by various forms of economic dependence on the upper classes. The free inhabitants of the cities were called "city people". In the early feudal state, elements of slavery took place. Sources name two categories of the slave population: servants and serfs. The servants, as a rule, consisted of prisoners of war and their descendants. Such slaves were considered the younger members of the family. The enslavement of fellow tribesmen spread, hence a new kind of unfree people appeared - serfs. The basis of the economy of Kievan Rus was agriculture. Crafts achieve great success: blacksmithing, foundry, weapons, pottery, weaving, jewelry, etc. Its development is closely connected with the rapid growth of cities that were the administrative centers of the Slavic tribes, and later the ancient Russian principalities. Cities became the main trade and craft centers. Foreign trade also developed. The famous route "from the Varangians to the Greeks" passed through the Russian lands - that is, from Scandinavia to Byzantium. Wax, furs, flax and linen fabrics, blacksmiths' and gunsmiths' products were exported. There was also a slave trade - Russian merchants often sold servants to other countries. Ancient Russia imported mainly luxury items, church utensils and spices. At the same time, in the internal economic life of Russia, as in the times of the tribal system, subsistence farming dominated, and trade relations were of little importance. The Grand Duke who ruled in Kyiv was considered the head of the Old Russian state. Princely power passed not only from father to son, but also from brother to brother, from uncle to nephew, etc. Most historians call the political system of Kievan Rus an early feudal monarchy. The Kyiv princes managed to subdue all the Eastern Slavic tribes. Already from the tenth century tribal princes are not mentioned in the sources. In the localities, the power of the Kyiv prince was represented by posadniks or volostniks. From the second half of the tenth century large territories were ruled by specific princes. They became, as a rule, the sons of the Grand Duke. Under the prince, a council (duma) functioned, consisting of representatives of the highest aristocracy and the clergy. An important role in public life was played by the meeting of urban residents - veche. All adult men of the city took part in it. The core of the Old Russian army was the princely squad. In wartime, the people's militia - "voi" - gathered. The combatants participated in the government and served as a pillar of princely power. Kievan Rus was a powerful state. It occupied the territory from the Baltic to the Black Sea and from the Western Bug to the upper reaches of the Volga. Kievan Rus became the cradle of modern nations: Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian. Topic 2. Specific Russia 2.1. Fragmentation of Russia By the middle of the XI century. The ancient Russian state reached its peak. But over time, a single state, united by the power of the Kyiv prince, no longer became. Dozens of completely independent states-principalities appeared in its place. The collapse of Kievan Rus began after the death in 1054 of Yaroslav the Wise. The prince's possessions were divided among his three eldest sons. Soon, conflicts and military strife began in the Yaroslavich family. In 1097, a congress of Russian princes took place in the city of Lyubech. "Let everyone keep his fatherland" - such was the decision of the congress. In fact, this meant consolidating the established procedure for dividing the Russian state into possessions of separate lands. Princely strife, however, did not stop the congress: on the contrary, at the end of the XNUMXth - beginning of the XNUMXth centuries. they flared up with renewed vigor. The unity of the state was temporarily restored to the grandson of Yaroslav the Wise, Vladimir Vsevolodovich Monomakh (1113-1125), who reigned in Kyiv. The policy of Vladimir Monomakh was continued by his son Mstislav Vladimirovich (1125-1132). But after the death of Mstislav, the period of temporary centralization ended. For many centuries the country entered an era of political fragmentation. XNUMXth century historians called this era a specific period, and the Soviets called it feudal fragmentation. Political fragmentation is a natural stage in the development of statehood and feudal relations. Not a single early feudal state of Europe escaped it. Throughout this era, the power of the monarch was weak, and the functions of the state were insignificant. The tendency towards rallying and centralization of states began to appear only in the XNUMXth-XNUMXth centuries. The political fragmentation of the state had many objective reasons. The economic reason for political fragmentation was, according to historians, the dominance of subsistence farming. Trade relations in the XI-XII centuries. were developed rather poorly and could not ensure the economic unity of the Russian lands. By this time, the once mighty Byzantine Empire began to decline. Byzantium ceased to be a world trade center, and consequently, the ancient route "from the Varangians to the Greeks", which for many centuries allowed the Kyiv state to carry out trade relations, lost its significance. Another reason for the political collapse was the remnants of tribal relations. After all, Kievan Rus itself united several dozen large tribal unions. The constant raids of nomads on the Dnieper lands played a significant role. Fleeing from raids, people went to live in sparsely populated lands located in the north-east of Russia. Continuous migration contributed to the expansion of the territory and the weakening of the power of the Kyiv prince. The process of continuous fragmentation of the country could also be affected by the absence of the concept of majorate in Russian feudal law. This principle, which existed in many states of Western Europe, provided that all land holdings of a feudal lord could only be inherited by the eldest of the sons. In Russia, after the death of a prince, land holdings could be divided among all heirs. One of the most important factors that gave rise to feudal fragmentation, most modern historians consider the development of large private feudal landownership. Back in the XNUMXth century. there is a process of "subsidence of warriors to the ground", the emergence of large feudal estates - boyar villages. The feudal class acquires economic and political power. The collapse of the Old Russian state did not destroy the existing Old Russian nationality. The spiritual life of various Russian lands and principalities, with all its diversity, retained common features and unity of styles. Cities grew and were built - the centers of the newly emerged specific principalities. Trade developed, which led to the emergence of new means of communication. The most important trade routes led from Lake Ilmen and the Western Dvina to the Dnieper, from the Neva to the Volga, the Dnieper also connected with the Volga-Oka interfluve. Thus, the specific period should not be seen as a step backwards in Russian history. However, the ongoing process of political fragmentation of lands, numerous princely strife weakened the country's defense against external danger. 2.2. Characteristics of the main specific centers (Vladimir-Suzdal land, Veliky Novgorod, Galicia-Volyn principality) played an important role in the political life of Russia. Vladimir-Suzdal land, which separated from Kyiv in the 30s. XNUMXth century It was located on the territory of North-Eastern Russia, between the Oka and Volga rivers, with its center in the city of Rostov (now - Rostov the Great). History of Vladimir-Suzdal Rus in the XII-XIII centuries. associated with the names of princes who were descendants of Vladimir Monomakh. It was here that one of his younger sons Yuri Dolgoruky (1125-1157) reigned, so named for numerous seizures of foreign possessions. Yuri Dolgoruky is considered the founder of Moscow (1147), since in connection with his name Moskov was first mentioned in the annals. Meanwhile, Yuri laid not only the future capital of Russia, but also Dmitrov, Zvenigorod, Pereslavl, Yuryev-Polsky and other cities. Yuri made the city of Suzdal his capital. He ended his days not in the Vladimir-Suzdal land, but in Kyiv, which he conquered. According to legend, he was poisoned by the Kyiv boyars. Yuri's son Andrei Bogolyubsky (1157-1174) was planted by his father to reign in Vyshgorod (near Kyiv). He arbitrarily left the city and moved to Vladimir, making it his capital. Andrei proclaimed himself the Grand Duke of all Russia. Under him, Vladimir became the center of the political life of Russia. The prince was called Bogolyubsky after the place of his country residence of the same name. Andrei contributed to the formation of the cult of the Most Holy Theotokos in Russia. In 1155, he brought the Vladimir Icon of the Mother of God from Vyshgorod, which is now one of the most revered shrines. Andrei Bogolyubsky was a major statesman, military leader and dodgy diplomat. Among his contemporaries, he was known as a power-hungry and cruel man. The struggle to strengthen his power cost the prince his life: in 1174 he fell victim to a boyar conspiracy. Andrey's successor was his younger brother Vsevolod the Big Nest (1176-1212), so named for the large number of children. Vsevolod Yurievich showed himself as a strong and skillful statesman. Under him, the Vladimir-Suzdal principality reached its peak. The power of the Prince of Vladimir was supposed to personify the Dmitrovsky Cathedral built by Vsevolod. For Vsevolod, the title "Grand Duke" was strengthened. However, after the death of Prince Vsevolod in 1212, the heirs divided his lands into several separate principalities. Novgorod land, which occupied the northwestern territory of the former Old Russian state, was one of the first to come out of the power of the Kyiv prince. At the end of the XI - beginning of the XII century. a kind of political formation developed here, which modern historical literature calls a feudal republic. Novgorodians themselves called their state beautifully and solemnly "Lord Veliky Novgorod". Novgorod possessions stretched from the Gulf of Finland in the west to the Ural Mountains in the east, from the Arctic Ocean in the north to the borders of the modern Tver and Moscow regions in the south. The supreme power in Novgorod belonged to the people's assembly - veche. The main role in solving the most important issues was played by the boyar council (in other words: "council of gentlemen", or "300 golden belts"). The posadnik was considered the head of state. The posadnik shared his powers with the prince. Unlike other Russian lands, in Novgorod the prince did not inherit power, but was invited to reign by the city. Its main task is to ensure the protection of the state from external enemies. Together with the posadnik, the prince exercised judicial functions. For the maintenance of the princely court, special land was allocated. If the prince did not suit the Novgorodians, he was expelled and another was invited. In addition to the prince, the military function was performed by a thousand man - the head of the city militia. Great power in Veliky Novgorod had the head of the Novgorod diocese - Vladyka, whose candidacy was agreed with the veche. The city of Novgorod itself was divided into several districts ("ends"), each of which was ruled by a Konchan headman. Galitsko-Volyn principality. In the south-west of the Russian lands in the middle of the XII century. stand out as independent formations of the land of Galicia and Volyn principalities. In 1119 they were united by Prince Roman Mstislavich. So there was a big Galicia-Volyn principality. Having captured Kyiv in 1203, Prince Roman became the ruler of the entire south-west of Russia. Another major figure in the history of these lands was Prince Daniel Romanovich. In the middle of the XIII century. his troops defeated the Polish and Hungarian knights. The political life of Galicia-Volyn Rus was characterized by a constant struggle between the prince and the local boyar aristocracy. After the Mongol-Tatar conquest, the southwestern lands will separate from the rest of Russia. 2.3. Mongol invasion and the establishment of the Horde yoke in Russia By the beginning of the XI century. the territory of modern Mongolia and southern Siberia was settled by Kereites, Naimans, Tatars and other tribes who spoke the Mongolian language. The formation of their statehood belongs to this period. The leaders of nomadic tribes were called khans, noble feudal lords - noyons. The social and political system of the nomadic peoples consisted of private ownership not of land, but of cattle and pastures. The nomadic economy requires constant expansion of the territory, so the Mongol nobility sought to conquer foreign lands. In the second half of the XII century. The Mongol tribes under his rule were united by the leader Temujin. In 1206, the congress of tribal leaders awarded him the title of Genghis Khan ("Great Khan"). The Mongol lord went down in history as one of the most cruel conquerors of peoples, among whom was the Tatar tribe. Since the Tatars were considered one of the largest Mongol-speaking tribes, the chroniclers of many countries, including Russia, called all the Mongols Tatars. Modern historians use the term Mongolotatars borrowed from medieval Chinese sources. Genghis Khan managed to create a very combat-ready army, which had a clear organization and iron discipline. In the first decade of the thirteenth century Mongolotatars conquered the peoples of Siberia. Then they invaded China and captured its north (China was finally conquered in 1279). In 1219, the Mongolotatars entered the lands of Central Asia. In a short time they defeated the powerful state of Khorezm. After this conquest, the Mongol troops under the command of Subudai attacked the countries of Transcaucasia. After that, the Mongolotatars invaded the possessions of the Polovtsy, a nomadic people who lived next to the Russian lands. The Polovtsian Khan Kotyan turned to the Russian princes for help. They decided to act together with the Polovtsian khans. The battle took place on May 31, 1223[2] on the river Kalka. Russian princes acted inconsistently. Princely feuds led to tragic consequences: the united Russian-Polovtsian army was surrounded and defeated. The captive princes of the Mongol-Tatars were brutally killed. After the battle on Kalka, the winners did not move further to Russia. In 1236, under the leadership of the grandson of Genghis Khan, Batu Khan, the Mongols began a campaign to the west. They conquered the Volga Bulgaria, the Polovtsians. In December 1237 they invaded the Ryazan principality. After five days of resistance, Ryazan fell, all the inhabitants, including the princely family, perished. Then the Mongols captured Kolomna, Moscow, and other cities, and in February 1238 approached Vladimir. The city was taken, the inhabitants killed or taken into slavery. On March 4, 1238, Russian troops were defeated on the Sit River. After a two-week siege, the city of Torzhok fell, and the Mongolotatars moved towards Novgorod. But not having reached the city for about 100 km, the conquerors turned back. The reason for this was probably the spring thaw and the fatigue of the Mongol army. On the way back, the Mongolotatars encountered fierce resistance from the inhabitants of the small town of Kozelsk, which defended for 7 weeks. The second campaign of the Mongolotatars against Russia took place in 1239. The lands of Southern and Western Russia became the goal of the conquerors. Here they captured Pereyaslavl, Chernigov, after a long siege in December 1240, the city of Kyiv was taken and plundered. Then Galicia-Volyn Rus was devastated. After that, the conquerors moved to Poland and Hungary. They ruined these countries, but could not advance further, the forces of the conquerors were already running out. In 1242, Batu turned his troops back and established his state in the lower reaches of the Volga, which was called the Golden Horde. The main reason for the defeat of the Russian principalities was the lack of unity between them. In addition, the Mongol army was numerous, well organized, the most severe discipline reigned in it, intelligence was well established, advanced warfare techniques were used at that time. The Mongol-Tatar invasion had a great influence on the historical fate of Russia. In all likelihood, the resistance of Russia saved Europe from the Asian conquerors. The Golden Horde yoke severely affected the socio-economic, political and cultural development of the Russian lands. More than half (49 out of 74) of the famous Russian cities were devastated by the Mongolotatars, many of them became villages after the invasion, some disappeared forever. The conquerors killed and took into slavery a significant part of the urban population. This led to economic decline, the disappearance of some crafts. The death of many princes and combatants slowed down the political development of the Russian lands, led to the weakening of the grand duke's power. At the same time, it should be noted that in Russia there were not only foreign rulers, but even the administration set by the conquerors. The main form of dependence was the payment of tribute. It was collected by the so-called Baskaks, headed by the great Baskak. His residence was in Vladimir. The Baskaks had special armed detachments, and any resistance to cruel requisitions and violence was mercilessly suppressed. Political dependence was expressed in the issuance of special letters to Russian princes - labels for the right to reign. The formal head of the Russian lands was considered the prince, who received a label from the khan to reign in Vladimir. 2.4. Repulse of the aggression of the Swedish and German feudal lords in North-Western Russia At a time when Russia had not yet recovered from the barbarian invasion of the Mongol-Tatars, it was threatened from the west by Swedish and German knights, who set themselves the goal of subjugating the peoples of the Baltic and Russia and converting them to Catholicism. In 1240 the Swedish fleet entered the mouth of the Neva. The plans of the Swedes included the capture of Staraya Ladoga, and then Novgorod. The Swedes were defeated by the Novgorod prince Alexander Yaroslavich (1220-1263). This victory brought the twenty-year-old prince great fame. For her, Prince Alexander was nicknamed Nevsky. In the same 1240, the German knights of the Livonian Order began their offensive against Russia. They captured Izborsk, Pskov, Koporye, the enemy was 30 km from Novgorod. Alexander Nevsky acted decisively. With a swift blow, he liberated the Russian cities captured by the enemy. Alexander Nevsky won his most famous victory in 1242. On April 5, a battle took place on the ice of Lake Peipus, which went down in history as the Battle of the Ice. At the beginning of the battle, the German knights and their Estonian allies, advancing in a wedge, broke through the advanced Russian regiment. The wars of Alexander Nevsky inflicted flank attacks and surrounded the enemy. The Crusader Knights fled. In 1243 they were forced to make peace with Novgorod. This victory stopped Western aggression, the spread of Catholic influence in Russia. The Orthodox Church canonized Prince Alexander Yaroslavich, glorifying him as a faithful defender of his native land and the Orthodox faith. Topic 3. Muscovite Russia 3.1. The formation of the Moscow principality and the policy of the Moscow princes The turn of the XIII-XIV centuries. - a difficult period in Russian history. The Russian lands were terribly devastated by Batu. The raids of the Horde did not stop. The country was divided into many specific principalities. Among the new independent principalities that emerged after the Mongol-Tatar invasion were Tver (since 1246) and Moscow (since 1276). Already in the XIV century. The Moscow principality led the unification process, and by the second half of the XNUMXth century. Moscow became the capital of a powerful state. The reasons for the rise of the Moscow principality and the unification around it of the Russian lands are complex and diverse. One of the factors is the favorable geographical position of Moscow. Moscow was at the intersection of the most important trade routes, which turned it into a center of economic ties. It was located in the center of Russian principalities, which covered it from blows from outside. Refugees from the ruined southern regions of Rus moved to the territory of the Moscow Principality. Rapid population growth, as well as the collection of trade duties favorably affected the economic situation of the principality. However, these advantages were enjoyed by a number of Russian principalities, primarily Tver. The main factor in the growth of Moscow's power was the policy of its princes. Moscow princes were talented politicians and diplomats. They managed to enlist the support of the Russian Orthodox Church, and also pursued a skillful policy that allowed them to more often than others receive a khan's label for the right to reign. In the first half of the XIV century. Moscow princes enjoyed the active support of the Horde. In the struggle for leadership among the Russian lands, Moscow's main rival was Tver. The Moscow and Tver principalities were formed almost simultaneously and were ruled by close relatives - the descendants of the Vladimir-Suzdal princes. The first prince of Tver, Yaroslav Yaroslavich, was the brother of Alexander Nevsky, and the first Moscow prince, Daniil Alexandrovich, was the youngest son of the famous commander. Daniil Alexandrovich (1276-1303) annexed Kolomna, Pereyaslavl, Mozhaisk to his originally small and insignificant city of Moscow, put the entire course of the Moscow River under his control. Thus, Daniel managed to expand the territory of his principality almost twice. He founded the St. Danilov Monastery in Moscow. Canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church. The main rivals of the sons of Daniil Alexandrovich, who died in 1303, are the princes of Tver. At the beginning of the XIV century. the rivalry between the two political centers takes on a dramatic character. The son of Daniil of Moscow Yuri (1303-1325), having married the sister of Khan Uzbek Konchaka and having strengthened his position, entered the struggle with Tver for the great reign of Vladimir. Having made an unsuccessful campaign against Tver, Yuri's troops were defeated. Konchaka was taken prisoner, and there she died. The Moscow prince accused the Tver prince Mikhail Yaroslavich of poisoning his wife and the khan's sister. Mikhail Yaroslavich was executed in the Horde. His son Dmitry Mikhailovich Terrible Eyes soon avenged his father by killing the prince of Moscow at the headquarters of the khan. Like his father, Dmitry Mikhailovich was executed in the Horde, but the label for the reign of Vladimir remained with the princes of Tver. Prince Ivan Danilovich Kalita (1325-1340) achieved significant influence in North-Eastern Russia. His goal is to strengthen the position of his principality, expand its borders and achieve peace with the Horde. In 1327, Ivan Kalita suppressed the uprising of the Tverites, directed against the Horde tribute collectors, and for this he received a label for the great reign of Vladimir, as well as the right to collect and deliver tribute to the Horde from Russian lands. Kalita expanded his possessions, acquired Galich, Beloozero, Uglich. Under him, part of the Rostov Principality became part of Moscow. He made Moscow the religious center of Russia, transferring here the seat of the metropolitan, who finally moved to Moscow from Vladimir. The Metropolitan ruled over all Russian Orthodox parishes and monasteries. Under Ivan Kalita, the first stone churches were erected in Moscow and a new Kremlin wall was built of oak. Going to his goal - the strengthening of the Moscow principality, Kalita was not shy about the means. Having suppressed the Tver uprising, he averted the danger of the Horde attacking the rest of the Russian lands, and completely secured his principality. The strengthening of Moscow's positions made possible the further unification of the Russian lands. Ivan Kalita laid a solid foundation for the future Muscovite kingdom. The policy of Ivan Kalita was continued by his two sons Semyon the Proud (1340-1353) and Ivan II the Red (1353-1359). They managed not only to preserve, but also to increase what their father had done. Dmitrovsky, Starodubsky and a number of other lands joined the Moscow possessions. In fact, Novgorod was subordinated, since Moscow governors were appointed to it. Both sons of Kalita received labels for a great reign from the Horde khans. Kalita's grandson Dmitry Ivanovich (1359-1389) fought for primacy among the Russian princes with Tver and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, built the white-stone Moscow Kremlin, and tried to free himself from Tatar dependence. After a long internecine struggle, Mamai seized power in the Horde. The new ruler decided to strengthen the weakening power of the Horde over the Russian lands. Horde detachments were sent to Russia twice. In 1378, for the first time in history, the Tatar army was defeated by the Russians on the Vozha River. In 1380, the ruler of the Horde organized a new campaign against the Moscow prince. In addition to the peoples subject to the Horde, Mamai's army included foreign mercenaries from among the inhabitants of the Italian colonies in the Crimea. The Lithuanian prince Jagiello became an ally of Mamai. Dmitry Ivanovich managed to gather a large army, which included representatives of many Russian principalities. In the summer of 1380, the Moscow prince was preparing for a decisive battle. According to legend, before opposing Mamai, the Moscow prince received a blessing from Sergius of Radonezh. The founder of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra - one of the most revered Russian saints - already by that time had great authority among the Russian people. In historical works written after the Battle of Kulikovo, it is said that Abbot Sergius predicted victory for Prince Dmitry. On September 8, 1380, a battle took place on the Kulikovo field at the place where the Nepryadva river flows into the Don, which glorified the Moscow prince Dmitry Ivanovich for many centuries. The retreat of Mamai's troops turned into a stampede. Russian troops pursued the remnants of the enemy forces for 50 km. Mamai fled to the Crimea, where he was soon defeated by Khan Tokhtamysh, who had established himself on the Horde throne, and was killed. The Battle of Kulikovo ended with the complete victory of Russian weapons. Upon learning of the defeat of Mamai, Jagiello did not oppose the Moscow prince and turned back. The Battle of Kulikovo did not bring Russia liberation from the Mongol Tatar yoke. Two years later, Khan Tokhtamysh attacked the Russian lands. Having invaded Moscow, he burned and ruined it. The payment of tribute to the Horde resumed. Russia was freed from the power of the Golden Horde only a hundred years after the battle on the Kulikovo field. But the victory of the Russian troops in 1380 strengthened the courage and fighting spirit of the Russian soldiers. In the minds of the Russian people, the myth of the invincibility of the Golden Horde was dispelled. The Lithuanian-Horde plans for the weakening of Russia failed. The success of the Moscow Prince Dmitry Ivanovich, who, in honor of the victory, became known as Donskoy, contributed to the strengthening of the position of the Moscow principality and the process of uniting Russian lands around it. Prerequisites were created for the liberation of Russia from the Horde dominion. Like his ancestor Alexander Nevsky, Dmitry Donskoy was canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church. The son of Dmitry Donskoy, Vasily I Dmitrievich (1389-1425), continued the policy of strengthening the Moscow principality and expanding its territory. He managed to annex the Principality of Nizhny Novgorod and a number of other lands, as well as improve relations with the Principality of Lithuania. However, the unification of Russia was slowed down by the conflict that arose within the Moscow grand-ducal family. The dynastic war, which dragged on for a quarter of a century, was caused by a number of reasons. In the feudal law of that time, there were two principles of inheritance of princely power: direct (from father to son) and indirect (by seniority in the clan). The difference between these principles often served as the basis for dynastic conflicts. In ancient Russia, both principles could operate, in the future Muscovy - only direct inheritance. The text of Dmitry Donskoy's will was also contradictory. It could be interpreted from various hereditary positions. The rivalry between the descendants of Prince Dmitry Donskoy began in 1425 after the death of Vasily I. Under Vasily II Vasilyevich the Dark (1425-1462), the Russian lands experienced a long dynastic war. Vasily II's right to a great reign was disputed by his uncle Yuri Dmitrievich, brother of Vasily I, who reigned in Zvenigorod and Galich, and after his death, Yuri's sons Vasily Kosoy and Dmitry Shemyaka entered the struggle for power. The victory of Vasily II in this war contributed to the strengthening of the power of the prince, the establishment of the principle of inheritance in a straight line from father to son. The dynastic war ended with the victory of the direct descendants of Dmitry Donskoy. After that, the unification of individual principalities into a single state became inevitable. 3.2. Completion of the unification of Russian lands. Liberation of Russia from Horde dependence By the middle of the XIV century. there were already all the prerequisites for the unification of Russian lands into a single state. Socio-economic background consist in the development of feudal landownership, in the desire of the boyars to acquire estates outside their principality. To political background can be attributed to the strengthening in Russia of the power and leadership of the Moscow princes, the need for liberation from the Horde yoke. Liberation from the centuries-old domination of the Horde required a strong centralized authority. To the number spiritual background should include the presence in all Russian lands of a common religion - Orthodoxy and awareness of the spiritual and cultural unity of Russia. All these indicated reasons led to the formation of a single Muscovite state. The leading role in the political unification of Russia was played by the son of Vasily the Dark Ivan III Vasilyevich (1462-1505). The final stage of the unification of Russia includes the annexation of Rostov, Yaroslavl, Tver and some other principalities, as well as the Novgorod Republic, the cities of Dmitrov, Vologda, Uglich, Vyatka land. The most difficult task was the elimination of the independence of Veliky Novgorod. His boyars, fearing to lose their privileges, put up stubborn resistance. The boyars entered into an agreement with the Lithuanian prince, agreeing to transfer Novgorod to vassal dependence on Lithuania. Ivan III organized a campaign against them in 1471. The Novgorod army was defeated by the Moscow prince on the Shelon River. In 1478 the Novgorod Republic finally capitulated. An important achievement of the foreign policy of Ivan III was the elimination of the Horde yoke. In 1476, the Moscow prince refused to obey the Khan of the Horde. In the summer of 1480, the Khan of the Horde Akhmat set out on a campaign against Russia. The Horde army met with the main Russian forces on the Ugra River (a tributary of the Oka). Not daring to give a big battle, Akhmat withdrew his troops. Thus, Russia was spared from the Tatar-Mongol rule that lasted 240 years. Since the foreign yoke was eliminated without a major battle or military campaign, the events of the autumn of 1480 went down in history as "standing on the Ugra". At the very beginning of the XNUMXth century, the Golden Horde finally ceased to exist. Relations between Muscovite Rus and the Principality of Lithuania were difficult. A series of minor military clashes on the border led to the conclusion of an agreement in 1494, according to which the Moscow prince received a number of possessions along the upper reaches of the Oka. According to the same treaty, Ivan III was recognized as the title "sovereign of all Russia." In 1500-1503. between Moscow and Lithuania again there was a military conflict. Ivan III managed to win back a number of Western Russian lands. A truce took place, as a result of which all the conquered territories were recognized as the Muscovite state. An important milestone in the formation of statehood was the adoption in 1497 of the all-Russian code of laws - the Sudebnik of Ivan III, which is often called the Grand Duke.[3] The Sudebnik contains articles on the central and local courts, as well as articles defining the basic norms of criminal and civil law, the norms of punishment for certain crimes. For the first time, Sudebnik legislatively introduced the rules for the transfer of peasants from one owner to another, limiting it to two weeks a year - a week before St. George's Day (November 26) and a week after - subject to the payment of a certain amount ("elderly") to the former owner. The ruling feudal class of the Moscow kingdom was formed from the descendants of the specific princes, their boyars, representatives of the old Moscow boyars, and service people. There were two forms of feudal land ownership. Thus, the boyars owned their lands (patrimonies) on the basis of inheritance law. And the Grand Duke granted landed estates (estates) to the nobles for their service. By the beginning of the XVI century. In most European countries, a political system has developed, which is commonly called a class-representative monarchy. The monarch shared power with estate-representative assemblies. Such bodies were formed from representatives of the ruling and politically active estates, primarily the nobility and the clergy. Close to the estate-representative monarchy in the XV-XVI centuries. was the political system of the Muscovite state. The head of the country was the Grand Duke (since 1547 - Tsar). The monarch shared his powers with the Boyar Duma, which consisted of representatives of the highest aristocracy. There were 2 Duma ranks: boyar and okolnichiy. Later, the Duma began to be replenished with people of less noble origin: nobles and clerks (officials). The basis of the state apparatus was the Palace and the Treasury. The highest officials were treasurers and printers (custodians of the seal). The local government system was built on the principle of "feeding". Grand princely governors received the right to part of the court fees and taxes collected in the territories they ruled. "Feeding" led to numerous bribes and abuses of officials. Ivan III's successor was Vasily III Ivanovich (1505-1533). Continuing the policy of his father, in 1510 he liquidated the independence of the Pskov Republic. During his reign, there was a war with Lithuania, as a result of which Smolensk was annexed to the Russian state in 1514. In 1521, the Ryazan Principality, which was actually subordinate to Moscow, became part of the state. Thus, the unification of the Russian lands was completed, the remnants of feudal fragmentation were a thing of the past. Topic 4. Russia during the reign of Ivan the Terrible 4.1. The beginning of the reign of Ivan IV. Reforms of the Chosen Council (1548/9-1560) Vasily III, who died in 1533, was succeeded by his three-year-old son Ivan IV (1533-1584). In fact, the mother, Elena Glinskaya, ruled for the child. The short regency of Elena Glinskaya (1533-1538) was marked not only by the struggle against numerous conspirators and rebels, but also by reformatory activities. The monetary reform carried out unified the system of monetary circulation. Uniform banknotes were introduced - kopecks, the standard for the weight of coins was determined. Measures of weight and length were also unified. Local government reform has begun. In order to limit the power of governors in the country, the institute of labial elders was introduced. This elective position could only be held by a nobleman. Representatives of the upper strata of the urban and rural population were elected to help him. Such people received the right to hold the position of zemstvo headman. The government of Elena Glinskaya paid great attention to strengthening the country's defense. To protect the Moscow Posad, the walls of Kitay-gorod were built. After the sudden death of Elena in 1538, the next few years were spent in the struggle for power between the boyar groups of the Shuiskys and Belskys. In January 1547, when the heir of Vasily III turned 17 years old, Ivan Vasilyevich assumed the royal title. The political meaning of this event was to strengthen the power of the Moscow sovereign, his authority excluded from that moment any claims to the supreme power of the descendants of aristocratic families. The new title equated the head of the Russian state with the khans of the Golden Horde and the emperors of Byzantium. At the very end of the 1540s. a circle of close associates formed around the young king, called the government of the Chosen Rada (1548 / 9-1560), which carried out a number of important transformations in the life of the country aimed at strengthening the centralized state. In 1549, the Zemsky Sobor was convened for the first time. So began to be called meetings periodically collected by the tsar to resolve and discuss the most important issues of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. The Zemsky Sobor included representatives of the boyars, the nobility, the clergy, the tops of the townspeople. It became the highest advisory class-representative body. The Zemsky Sobor of 1549 considered the problems of canceling "feedings" and suppressing the abuses of the governors, so it was called the Cathedral of Reconciliation. The Boyar Duma continued to play an important role in the government of the country. There were orders - bodies in charge of certain branches of government. Among the first were formed petition, local, zemstvo and other orders, and their employees were called clerks and clerks. In 1550, a new Sudebnik of the Russian state was adopted. The Code of Laws introduced legal norms that determine the punishment of officials for an unjust trial and bribery. The judicial powers of the royal governors were limited. The Sudebnik contained instructions on the activities of orders. The right of the peasant transition on St. George's Day was confirmed. The Sudebnik of 1550 introduced a significant restriction on the enslavement of the children of serfs. A child born before his parents were in bondage was recognized as free. The principles of local government were fundamentally changed. In 1556, the "feeding" system was abolished throughout the state. Administrative and judicial functions were transferred to the labial and zemstvo elders. A significant reorganization of the armed forces began. From the service people (nobles and boyar children) a cavalry army was formed. In 1550, a permanent archery army was created. Archers began to be called infantrymen armed with firearms. The artillery was also reinforced. From the total mass of service people, a "chosen thousand" was formed: it included the best nobles endowed with lands near Moscow. A unified system of land taxation was introduced - the "big Moscow plow". The size of tax payments began to depend on the nature of land ownership and the quality of the land used. Secular feudal lords, landowners and patrimonials received great benefits compared to the clergy and state peasants. In February 1551, the Council of the Russian Church was convened, which received the name Stoglavy, since its decisions were set out in 100 chapters. The Council discussed a wide range of issues: church discipline and morality of monks, enlightenment and spiritual education, the appearance and norms of behavior of a Christian. Of particular importance was the unification of the rites of the Russian Orthodox Church. The reforming activity of the Chosen Rada lasted for about ten years. As early as 1553, disagreements between the tsar and his entourage began. The conflict situation intensified after the death in 1560 of Empress Anastasia. Ivan IV accused the Chosen Rada of poisoning his beloved royal wife. At the same time, disagreements between the tsar and members of the Chosen Rada on the implementation of foreign and domestic policy led to the cessation of its existence. The reforms were put on hold. 4.2. Oprichnina (1565-1572) In December 1564, unexpectedly for his subjects, the tsar left Moscow and took refuge with his family in Aleksandrovskaya Sloboda, which was located about a hundred kilometers from the capital. Messengers sent from there brought two letters to Moscow. One of them accused the boyars and the higher clergy of treason and conspiracies against the tsar. Another, addressed to the townspeople, announced that the tsar did not hold "anger and disgrace" on them. With this clever maneuver, Ivan hoped to gain allies in the face of the population. A few days later, the tsar received a delegation from the Boyar Duma and the higher clergy. As a condition for returning to the throne, Ivan called the institution oprichnina. The oprichnina, which existed for a very short time (1565-1572), left a deep mark on Russian history. Oprichnina (from the word "oprich" - except) began to be called a land allotment specially allocated to the tsar, and the staff of the tsar's entourage, and a special army. Oprichny possessions included a number of cities and counties in the center of the country (Suzdal, Mozhaisk, Vyazma), rich lands of the Russian North, some counties on the southern borders of the state. The rest of its territory was called "zemshchina". The entire state apparatus was divided into two parts - oprichnina and zemstvo. The feudal lords who entered the oprichnina (initially there were one thousand, and by 1572 - six thousand) wore a special uniform: a black caftan and a black pointed hat. Loyalty to one's sovereign, readiness to "sweep and gnaw out" traitors was symbolized by brooms and dog heads tied to the necks of horses and quivers for arrows. Already the first months of the existence of the oprichnina were marked by monstrous in their cruelty executions of people objectionable to the tsar. The victims of the massacres were boyars and statesmen suspected of treason, members of their families and servants. One of the most terrible crimes of Ivan the Terrible was a punitive expedition to Novgorod in the winter of 1570. A false denunciation of the betrayal of the Novgorod boyars and the clergy served as a pretext for the murder of thousands of innocent residents of the city. The rural and commercial population suffered from the raids of the oprichnina troops. From constant bloody orgies, the royal army was decomposing. In 1571, it demonstrated complete inability in the face of an external enemy. The Crimean Khan Devlet-Girey reached Moscow during his raid, the Tatars set fire to the Moscow settlement and took away more than 100 thousand Russian captives into slavery. The next summer, the raid was repeated. The enemy was stopped and defeated by a small army, which included guardsmen, zemstvo boyars and nobles. In the autumn of 1572, the oprichnina was officially abolished. Under the threat of punishment, the king forbade his subjects to even pronounce this word. Many former guardsmen turned from executioners into victims. They were accused of state crimes and executed. After the abolition of the oprichnina, the tsar created the so-called "yard" and again divided the country into zemstvo and yard parts. But it no longer played a big role in the political and economic life of the country. With the abandonment of the oprichnina orders, mass terror was reduced. Oprichnina had far-reaching political consequences. It led to the elimination of vestiges of specific time and the strengthening of the regime of the tsar's personal power. Its socio-economic order proved pernicious. Oprichnina and the protracted Livonian War devastated the country. The deep economic crisis that engulfed Russia in the 1570s-1580s was called by contemporaries "poor". One of the disastrous consequences of Ivan the Terrible's domestic policy was the enslavement of the Russian peasantry. In 1581, "Reserved Years" were established, until the abolition of which the peasants were forbidden to leave their owners. In fact, this meant that the peasants were deprived of the ancient right to move on St. George's Day to another owner. 4.3. Foreign policy of Ivan the Terrible In the southern direction, the main task was to protect the Russian borders from the raids of the Crimean Tatars. For this purpose, a new defensive line was built - the Tula notch line. The campaign of Russian troops to the Crimea in 1559 ended in failure. As mentioned above, in 1571 the Crimean Khan Devlet Giray raided Moscow. The next raid of the Crimeans in the summer of 1572 was stopped. The Khan's army was defeated by Prince M.I. Vorotynsky. The Board of the Elected Rada is marked by major successes in the foreign policy of the state in the eastern direction. In the early 1550s. 2 large Tatar states, formed after the collapse of the Golden Horde, were annexed to the Russian state: in 1552 the Kazan Khanate was conquered, in 1556 - the Astrakhan Khanate. Thus, the borders of the Moscow kingdom crossed the Volga and approached the borders of Asia. This milestone was crossed in the early 1580s. Armed at the expense of wealthy merchants Stroganovs, an expedition of Cossacks led by Ermak Timofeevich made a trip to Siberia, defeated the troops of the Siberian Khan Kuchum and annexed his lands to the Russian state. From that moment, the development of Siberia by the Russian people began. After the annexation of the Volga region, the Western direction became a priority in foreign policy. The main goal of the Livonian War, which began in 1558, was the conquest by Russia of access to the Baltic Sea. In 1558-1560. military operations were conducted against the knightly Livonian Order, which belonged to the territory of the Baltic states. The beginning of the war turned out to be successful: the troops of Ivan IV passed almost all of Livonia, took 20 cities, the Order was actually defeated. In 1561 the Livonian Order collapsed. However, the victories of Russian weapons ran counter to the interests of Poland, Denmark and Sweden, to which the former possessions of the Order passed, so Russia had to fight already with three strong opponents. In 1563-1564. Russian troops suffered a number of serious defeats. Poland and Lithuania, fearing the strengthening of Russia and also striving to capture Livonia, in 1569 united into a single state of the Commonwealth. As a result, Russia lost the Livonian War. In 1582, a truce was concluded in Yam-Zapolsky, according to which the old state border was preserved between Russia and Poland. A truce with Sweden was concluded in 1583 in the city of Pluss. Russia not only did not acquire the desired access to the sea, but was also forced to cede Yam, Koporye, Ivangorod and the southern coast of the Gulf of Finland adjacent to them. Topic 5. Time of Troubles in Russia 5.1. Causes and essence of Troubles After the death of Tsar Ivan the Terrible in 1584, his son Fyodor (1584-1598), who was sickly and incapable of governing the state, ascended the Russian throne. Very soon, the royal brother-in-law Boris Godunov becomes the de facto ruler of the country. Domestic and foreign policy of the second half of the 1580s - early 1590s. marked by a number of significant successes. A successful war with Sweden (1590-1593) made it possible to return a number of territories lost as a result of the Livonian War. In 1591, Russian troops successfully repulsed the raid of the Crimean Tatars. Stable diplomatic relations were established with many countries of the West and East. The development of new lands continued. The first Russian cities and prisons were built in Western Siberia: Tyumen, Tobolsk, Berezov, Surgut. New fortresses also appeared on the southern borders of the state. Of great importance for the international prestige of Russia and for the internal life of the state was the introduction in 1589 of the patriarchate. Primate Job, independent of the Greek patriarchs, became the head of the Russian Orthodox Church. In 1591, nine-year-old Tsarevich Dmitry, the youngest son of Ivan the Terrible, died under unclear circumstances in the specific city of Uglich. At present, there is no consensus among historians about what caused the death of Dmitry. Probably, the Uglich tragedy of 1591 will forever remain a mystery to us. In 1598, the childless Tsar Fedor also died. The dynasty of Ivan Kalita ended. The Zemsky Sobor elected Boris Godunov (1598-1605) as king. The events that took place in the Muscovite state at the turn of the XNUMXth-XNUMXth centuries went down in history under the name "Time of Troubles". It was an era of socio-political, economic and dynastic crisis. It was accompanied by popular uprisings, the rule of impostors, the destruction of state power, the Polish-Swedish-Lithuanian intervention, and the ruin of the country. Many modern researchers believe that the social upheavals experienced by Russia four hundred years ago were a real civil war. The civil war in Russia was caused by a very difficult situation inside the country. By the beginning of the XVII century. the consequences of the oprichnina were still strongly felt. As a result of the domestic policy of Ivan the Terrible, the Russian peasantry was enslaved. His situation worsened even more after the adoption in 1597 by the government of Boris Godunov of a decree on a five-year search for fugitive peasants and a law on bonded serfs, which forbade people who fell into bondage to be freed by paying a debt. From now on, they were to remain slaves until the death of their master. The feudal policy met resistance from the oppressed strata of the population. Repeatedly flashed urban uprisings and unrest among the peasants. The development of the political situation was influenced by the dynastic crisis caused by the mysterious death of Tsarevich Dmitry and the death of the childless Fyodor, after which the male branch of the royal family was interrupted. The dynastic crisis led to a crisis of power: the political struggle between noble boyar families intensified. Among the ill-wishers of Boris Godunov were, in particular, the Romanov boyars, sent into exile by the tsar in 1600. The expansionist plans of the Polish magnates, who claimed Russian lands and the Russian throne, played a significant role in the outbreak of the Time of Troubles. The immediate catalyst for events was a grandiose natural disaster. 5.2. Characteristics of the main stages of the Troubles In 1601, a severe cooling hit Eastern Europe. Three lean years caused a terrible famine in Russia. The natural disaster cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of Russian people. It is believed that the famine destroyed about a third of the country's population. For the first time in Russian history, the state came to the aid of the starving. Boris Godunov ordered bread and small cash benefits to be given to the needy. By order of the king, public works were organized to provide the population with a stable income. Godunov's government even went so far as to temporarily weaken the oppression of serfs. Tsarist decrees allowed peasants to leave their owners. Attempts were also made to limit the price of bread. All these measures did not bring the desired result. The famine intensified social contradictions and brought the country to the brink of a severe political crisis. Massive popular unrest began, often of a spontaneous nature. One of these uprisings led by Ataman Khlopko broke out in 1603 near Moscow. With great difficulty, the tsarist government managed to suppress it. The feudal lords of the neighboring Commonwealth hastened to take advantage of Russia's difficult situation. In 1601, a man appeared who called himself the saved Tsarevich Dmitry. Presumably it was a fugitive monk Grigory Otrepyev. Historians call this impostor False Dmitry I. The royal government considered the adventurer a convenient tool for carrying out predatory goals. False Dmitry formed a detachment of Polish nobles and in October 1604 crossed the Russian-Polish border. With the name of Dmitry, ordinary people linked their hopes for liberation from serfdom. Cossacks, part of the service people, began to adjoin him. Winning victories over government troops, False Dmitry I quickly advanced towards Moscow. In April 1605, Boris Godunov died. The Moscow nobility took the side of the impostor. On June 20, 1605, False Dmitry, at the head of the Polish detachment, solemnly entered the capital. The reign of False Dmitry was short-lived. It was marked only by grants of land and money to service people and the liberation from dependence of certain categories of peasants and serfs. The Romanovs, who fell into disgrace under Boris Godunov, were returned from exile. Very soon, Muscovites became disillusioned with the "tsarevich". His policy did not abolish serfdom. He was unnecessary and the tops of society. The boyars believed that False Dmitry had already fulfilled his main task: the Godunov dynasty was eliminated. The dissatisfaction of the townspeople was provoked by the behavior of the imaginary prince, who openly disregarded Orthodox customs. The impudent behavior of the Poles outraged the Muscovites. Boyars decided to take advantage of the mood of the townspeople. In May 1606 a conspiracy against False Dmitry was organized. The impostor was overthrown and killed. The Zemsky Sobor proclaimed V.I. Shuisky (1606-1610). His rise to power did not end the Troubles. In 1606, an uprising broke out against him under the leadership of Ivan Bolotnikov. Soviet historiography traditionally called this event a peasant war. Many modern historians consider this view one-sided. Probably, the Bolotnikov movement (1606-1607) united representatives of various social groups: free Cossacks, fugitive peasants and serfs, nobles. In August-December 1606, the rebels won a number of victories, captured Tula, Kaluga, Yelets and Kashira. Then they moved to Moscow, but were defeated and retreated to Kaluga, and then to Tula. In October 1607, the uprising was crushed, and its leader was taken prisoner, exiled north to Kargopol and killed. The Shuisky government brutally cracked down on the rebels, executing 6 people. In July 1607 a new impostor appeared, False Dmitry II. During the winter - summer of 1607-1608. significant Polish and Russian detachments gathered around him. On June 1, 1608, the troops of False Dmitry II approached the capital and set up camp in the village of Tushino near Moscow, for which the impostor received the nickname "Tushino Thief" from Muscovites. Tushino plundered the surrounding towns and villages. The confrontation between the Shuisky government and the "Tushinsky thief" dragged on for two years. Tsar Vasily Shuisky turned to the Swedish king for help. In 1609, Russian-Swedish troops led by M. Skopin-Shuisky defeated False Dmitry II. He fled to Kaluga, where at the end of 1610 he was killed by one of his accomplices. The intervention of the Swedes gave the Polish king Sigismund III an excuse to openly intervene. In September 1609, Polish troops crossed the Russian border and laid siege to Smolensk. The defenders of the city resisted heroically. Smolensk fell only after 21 months. In the summer of 1610, the Polish army approached Moscow. In June, it defeated the troops of Vasily Shuisky. In the face of a new danger, unrest broke out in the capital. People openly expressed dissatisfaction with Shuisky and demanded his deposition. In July of this year, a group of noblemen led by Zakhar Lyapunov carried out a coup d'état. Power passed into the hands of the Seven Boyars - the government headed by Prince F. Mstislavsky. The Seven Boyars concluded an agreement with the Polish king, according to which the son of Sigismund III, Prince Vladislav, was recognized as the Russian Tsar. The boyar government also agreed to let Polish troops into the capital, so in September 1610 Moscow was occupied by the Polish garrison. Foreigners rampaged throughout the Russian land. They robbed the civilian population, committed violence. The north of the country was occupied by the Swedes. Russia was threatened with a complete loss of national independence. But the fate of the state was decided by the people. The head of the Russian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Hermogenes, appealed to the people to "go for blood" and liberate Moscow. At the beginning of 1611, the first militia was formed in Ryazan, headed by Prokopy Lyapunov, but it soon disintegrated due to internal contradictions. The head of the militia, Prokopiy Lyapunov, was killed. The situation of the state became more complicated in connection with the capture in July 1611 by the Swedes of Veliky Novgorod. Smolensk fell after a two-year siege. The situation seemed critical. In the autumn of 1611, the second militia was formed in Nizhny Novgorod, headed by the zemstvo headman K.M. Minin and Prince D.M. Pozharsky. From Nizhny Novgorod, the militia moved to Yaroslavl, where they spent April-August 1612. A long stop allowed the militia to gather the forces and means necessary to advance towards Moscow. In August 1612, the troops of this militia approached Moscow and laid siege to it. The Polish garrison, which occupied the Kremlin, was under siege without food. In October 1612, the militia stormed Kitai-Gorod, and the Poles finally capitulated. Moscow was liberated. 5.3. The reign of the Romanov dynasty and the end of the Troubles In January 1613, the Zemsky Sobor met and elected a new tsar. Nobles and Cossacks nominated 16-year-old Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov (1613-1645) as a candidate for the Russian throne. The representative of the old Moscow boyar family also suited the highest aristocracy. A dynasty came to power in Russia, connected by family ties with the former tsars. The election of Mikhail Romanov did not yet mean the end of the Troubles. The liberation of the country from the invaders was delayed for several years. In 1617, the Stolbovsky peace treaty was signed with Sweden, according to which Russia had to cede the territory of Karelia. In 1618, Russia concluded the Deulino truce with Poland, to which the Smolensk, Chernigov and Novgorod-Seversky lands retreated. The suppression of internal opposition, and above all detachments of free Cossacks, turned out to be a difficult task. The Time of Troubles had significant consequences for the further development of Russian history. Long years of chaos strengthened among the people the idea of the need for a strong state power, which to a large extent contributed to the formation of the Russian autocracy. But it was during the Time of Troubles that the national self-consciousness of the Russian people was strengthened, the role of the Orthodox Church in the spiritual life of the people increased. As a result of the upheavals, a new dynasty reigned in Russia, which was to rule the country for the next three centuries. Topic 6. Russia in the XNUMXth century 6.1. Economic and social development of Russia under the first Romanovs The turmoil led Russia to a complete economic collapse. Political stability was not immediately established either, the system of government in the center and in the regions was destroyed. The main tasks of Mikhail Romanov were to achieve reconciliation in the country, overcome the economic ruin and streamline the management system. For the first six years of his reign, Mikhail ruled, relying on the Boyar Duma and the Zemsky Sobors. In 1619, the tsar's father Fyodor Nikitich (in monasticism Philaret) Romanov returned from Polish captivity. Filaret, who took the patriarchal rank, began to actually govern the country until his death in 1633. In 1645, Mikhail Romanov also died. His son Alexei Mikhailovich (1645-1676) became the Russian Tsar. By the middle of the century, the economic devastation brought by the Time of Troubles had been overcome. Economic development of Russia in the XVII century. characterized by a number of new phenomena in economic life. The craft gradually developed into small-scale production. More and more products were produced not to order, but for the market, there was an economic specialization of individual regions. In Tula and Kashira, for example, metal products were produced. The Volga region specialized in leather processing, Novgorod and Pskov were centers of flax production. The best jewelry was produced in Novgorod, Tikhvin and Moscow. Centers of artistic production began to emerge (Khokhloma, Palekh, and others). The development of commodity production led to the emergence of manufactories. They were divided into state-owned, i.e. belonging to the state, and privately owned. The growth of productive forces contributed to the development of trade and the emergence of an all-Russian market. There were two large all-Russian fairs - Makarievskaya on the Volga and Irbitskaya on the Urals. The Zemsky Sobor in 1649 adopted the Cathedral Code - a code of domestic feudal law that regulated relations in the main spheres of society. The Council Code prescribed cruel punishments not only for rebellion against the king or insulting the head of state, but even for fights and outrages in the royal court. Thus, there was a legislative consolidation of the process of becoming an absolute monarchy. The social structure of society was framed in the Cathedral Code, since it regulated the rights and obligations of all classes. Cardinal changes took place in the life of the peasantry. The Council Code of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich finally formalized serfdom - an indefinite search for fugitive peasants was established. According to the Council Code, urban residents were attached to the place of residence and "tax", that is, the performance of state duties. A significant part of the Code is devoted to the order of legal proceedings and criminal law. Laws of the XNUMXth century look too harsh. For many crimes, the Council Code provided for the death penalty. The Code also regulated the procedure for military service, travel to other states, customs policy, etc. Political development of Russia in the XVII century. characterized by the evolution of the state system: from a class-representative monarchy to absolutism. Zemsky Sobors occupied a special place in the system of estate-representative monarchy. The Zemsky Sobor included the highest clergy, the Boyar Duma and the elected part: Moscow nobles, the administration of orders, the district nobility, the tops of the "draft" settlements of the Moscow suburb, as well as Cossacks and archers ("service people on the device"). In the early years of Mikhail Romanov's reign, the Zemsky Sobors worked almost continuously and helped him in governing the state. Under Filaret Romanov, the activity of the Councils becomes less active. The last Zemsky Sobor, which worked in 1653, resolved the issue of the reunification of Ukraine with Russia. Subsequently, zemstvo activity fades away. In the 1660-1680s. Numerous estate commissions met. All of them were predominantly boyar. The end of the work of Zemsky Sobors actually meant the completion of the transition from a class-representative monarchy to absolutism. The significant role of the Boyar Duma remained in the system of state authorities and administration. However, in the second half of the XVII century. its value is declining. High development in the XVII century. reaches the command control system. Orders were engaged in certain branches of public administration within the country or were in charge of certain territories. The most important among them were the order of Secret Affairs, personally led by Alexei Mikhailovich and supervising the activities of higher state institutions and officials. The local order formalized land allotments and conducted judicial investigations on land cases. The embassy order carried out the foreign policy of the state. The order of the Great Treasury controlled the finances. The main administrative-territorial unit of the state was the county. The system of local government was built in the XVII century. not on the basis of elected bodies, but on the authorities appointed from the center of the governors. Zemsky and labial elders obeyed them. In the hands of the governor concentrated administrative, judicial and military power, supervision over the collection of taxes and taxes. The social structure of Russian society in the XNUMXth century. was deeply social. The term "estate" means a social group that has rights and obligations enshrined in custom or law and inherited. The privileged class were secular and spiritual feudal lords (clergy). Secular feudal lords were divided into ranks. In the XNUMXth century this concept reflected not so much an official position as belonging to a certain group of the feudal estate. Its top was made up of duma ranks: boyars, roundabouts, clerks and duma nobles. The next in their position in society were the ranks of Moscow - officials, solicitors, Moscow nobles. They were followed by the lower categories of the privileged class - the ranks of the city. These included provincial nobles, who were called "children of the boyars." Most of the dependent population were peasants. Personally free members of the community were called black-haired peasants. The rest of the peasants were either privately owned, that is, belonging to the landowners, or palace, or appanage, belonging to the royal family. Slaves were in the position of slaves. Attached to their duties were the inhabitants of the cities - artisans and merchants. The richest merchants were called "guests". Among the dependent estates were "service people on the instrument": archers, gunners and Cossacks. 6.2. church schism Notable phenomena of the political and spiritual life of Russia in the XNUMXth century. began the church reform and the church schism that followed. The main reasons for its emergence were contradictions in the church environment and psychological rejection of religious innovations by some believers. The controversy between church leaders began in the 1640s. At that time, a "circle of zealots of ancient piety" was gathering in Moscow. Many church leaders who participated in the work of the circle believed that it was necessary to make changes in the church service and make adjustments to the liturgical books. Disagreement arose over the choice of samples on which these changes should be made. Some believed that Russian handwritten books should become samples, others suggested using Greek originals. Patriarch Nikon was a supporter of the latter point of view. In accordance with the ideological theory "Moscow - the Third Rome", Nikon made changes to church books and the order of worship, focusing on Greek patterns. Nikon replaced the custom of being baptized with two fingers with three fingers, he ordered to write the name "Jesus" through two letters "and", etc. All these innovations were supported by the secular authorities and approved by the church council of 1656. Nikon's innovations concerned mainly ritual prescriptions and did not affect the foundations of Orthodox dogma and dogma. However, a significant part of the faithful and the clergy did not accept them. Any rejection of ancient customs was perceived by many people of that time as a departure from the faith. Thus, the Old Believers arose. Archpriest Avvakum Petrov became its spiritual leader. Avvakum spent eleven long years in the most difficult Siberian exile. Then the authorities returned him to Moscow and tried to persuade him to accept church reforms. Avvakum remained a firm zealot of the "old faith". For this, he was again exiled, condemned by a church council, put in an earthen prison and then burned alive. The brutal persecution of the Old Believers did not stop. Thousands of opponents of the reforms were forced to flee to the outskirts of the country. The extreme form of protest was self-immolation - "gary". A large center of resistance to Nikon's innovations was the Solovetsky Monastery in the North of Russia. Monks and archers for 8 years (1668-1676) defended the monastery from the royal troops. Nikon himself, whom Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich once called his "friend of the Sobin", strove to put his spiritual power above the royal one. The patriarch assumed the title of great sovereign. He compared the power of the patriarch with the Sun, and the power of the king with the Moon, which only reflects sunlight. All this inevitably led to conflict with the king. Alexei Mikhailovich defiantly stopped attending the services performed by Nikon and began to avoid meeting with him. In 1658, Nikon announced that he was leaving the patriarchate and leaving Moscow. The ambitious patriarch hoped that the tsar would enter into a dialogue with him and offer to continue his service. Nikon miscalculated. In 1666-1667. A church council was assembled, in which representatives of the Greek Orthodox churches took part. The council condemned Nikon and defrocked him. The disgraced church leader was exiled to the Ferapontov Monastery near Vologda. However, his reforms were saved. 6.3. Popular uprisings XNUMXth century marked by numerous social upheavals and popular uprisings. No wonder contemporaries called it the "rebellious age." The main reasons for the uprisings were the enslavement of the peasants and the growth of their duties; increased tax burden; an attempt to limit Cossack liberty; church schism and the persecution of the Old Believers. In June 1648, the Salt Riot broke out in Moscow. At this time, the young tsar Alexei Mikhailovich was greatly influenced by his tutor and relative boyar B.I. Morozov. Morozov put his people to the most important government posts. Morozov's henchmen in every possible way crowded and robbed the Moscow population. In 1646 the tax on salt was increased. Prices for this essential product have skyrocketed, causing outrage. In February 1647 the tax had to be abolished. However, in an effort to increase the income of the treasury, the government announced the collection of arrears for two years. This was followed by an explosion of social indignation. On June 1, 1648, the inhabitants of Moscow tried to submit a petition to the tsar. The boyars, who were in the ranks of the royal retinue, tore out the charter presented to the tsar and tore it up. By order of Morozov, the archers arrested 16 people from among the petitioners. The repression only exacerbated the situation. The next few days, the rebellious Muscovites smashed the houses of the hated officials. Some government officials were killed. The danger to the tsarist government assumed menacing proportions. The uprising was suppressed only by concessions to the Moscow and provincial nobility, the top of the merchant class, who demanded the convening of the Zemsky Sobor. The adoption by the Zemsky Sobor in 1649 of new legislation (Sobornoye ukazan), directed against the working population, further exacerbated the situation. In 1650 urban uprisings broke out in Pskov and Novgorod. Their reason was the speculation in bread, which took place on the direct orders of the government. It was interested in the rise in prices for bread, since it was bread that it paid off with Sweden for the inhabitants of the territories that moved to the Swedish state under the Stolbovsky peace, who moved to Russia. The initiators of the uprising were repressed. In 1662 there was a new uprising in Moscow. It was called the Copper Riot. The huge costs of the war with Poland, which had dragged on since 1654, greatly undermined the financial position of the state. In search of the necessary funds to continue the war, the government began to issue a copper coin, equating it in price with silver. The government began to mint new money in too large quantities, which led to their depreciation. The purchasing power of the population also decreased, since most of the service people received a salary in copper. At the same time, the government itself levied taxes from the population only in silver. The number of counterfeit copper money grew. All this led to popular discontent and uprising. Alexei Mikhailovich went to negotiate with the rebels, promising to sort everything out and punish the guilty. The king treacherously deceived the people. The streltsy regiments called by him attacked the rebels. Following the defeat of the uprising, arrests and repressions followed. However, the suppressed popular uprising did not remain without consequences: copper money was withdrawn from circulation. The culmination of the "rebellious age" was the Cossack-peasant uprising led by Stepan Razin (1667-1671). In 1667, the Don Cossack Stepan Timofeevich Razin led the campaign of the Cossacks from the Don to the Volga and the Caspian Sea "for zipuns", that is, prey (1667-1669). The Cossacks plundered the trade caravans of Russian and Persian merchants, attacked the eastern coast of the Caspian Sea, plundering Persian cities and freeing Russian prisoners. The Cossacks defeated the fleet of the Persian Shah and returned to the Don with rich booty. The successful and fearless ataman became the recognized leader of the Cossacks. In 1670, a new stage of the movement of Stepan Razin began, which took on an anti-serf character. His goals were: the capture of Moscow, the destruction of the boyars and nobles, the elimination of serfdom and the establishment of a free Cossack way of life throughout the country. In the spring of 1670, the 1671-strong Razin army began hostilities on the Volga. It took possession of Tsaritsyn, Kamyshin, Astrakhan. Then Razin's army moved up the Volga. The uprising spread throughout the Volga region. Not only Russian peasants, but also representatives of other peoples joined the ranks of the Razints: Chuvash, Mari, Mordovians, Tatars. Without a fight, Razin took Saratov and Samara. His army laid siege to Simbirsk. Decisive battles unfolded near Simbirsk. The royal regiments under the command of Prince D.A. Baryatinsky defeated Razin and lifted the siege from the city. After that, Razin sailed with his Cossacks to the Don. There, wealthy Cossacks seized him and handed him over to the tsarist authorities. The arrested Razin was brought to Moscow, where he was interrogated and tortured. In June XNUMX Stepan Razin was executed. 6.4. Foreign policy In the foreign policy of Russia in the XNUMXth century. There are four main directions: southwest, northwest, south and east. Russia's actions in the southwestern direction in the first half of the 1632th century were determined by an attempt to return the Russian lands (primarily Smolensk), captured by Poland during the Time of Troubles. In 1634-1634. Russia waged an unsuccessful war with Poland for Smolensk. In June XNUMX, the Polyanovsky peace treaty was signed, according to which Poland retained the Smolensk lands, and the Poles renounced their claims to the Moscow throne and recognized Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov as the legitimate tsar. In the middle of the XVII century. Russian-Polish relations determined the events in Ukraine. The Ukrainian and Belarusian peoples living on the territory of the Commonwealth experienced the most severe oppression in social, national and religious relations. The war of liberation against Polish rule unfolded in 1648. The Cossacks, led by Hetman Bohdan Khmelnitsky, raised an uprising, in which Ukrainian and Belarusian peasants took part. B. Khmelnitsky, realizing that the Cossacks could not cope with Poland on their own, turned to Russia with a request to accept Ukraine into its composition. October 1, 1653 The Zemsky Sobor decided to include Ukraine into Russia and declare war on Poland. January 8, 1654 In the city of Pereyaslavl, a council (rada) gathered, at which elected representatives from all classes of the Ukrainian population unanimously spoke in favor of Ukraine joining Russia. The accession of Ukraine to Russia led to a grueling and protracted war with Poland (1654-1667). According to the Andrusovo truce in January 1667 between Russia and Poland, Russia received Smolensk and the lands lost during the Time of Troubles, as well as Left-Bank Ukraine with Kyiv. After the death of B. Khmelnytsky (1657), the Ukrainian hetmans tried to achieve independence from Russia, focusing either on Poland or Turkey (Ottoman Empire). However, in 1686 between Russia and Poland was signed "Eternal Peace", which meant the transition from confrontations to peaceful and collaborative relations. "Eternal Peace" assigned Left-Bank Ukraine and Kyiv to Russia. Right-bank Ukraine remained under the rule of Poland. The main event in Russia's foreign policy in the northwest was the Russo-Swedish War of 1656-1661. Russia sought to gain access to the Baltic Sea and stop Swedish expansion in Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine. In 1656, Russian troops successfully attacked the Swedes and won a number of significant victories. The next two years of the war were unsuccessful: the Russian army failed to take Riga, it was defeated in Karelia and Livonia. In 1658 a truce was concluded for 3 years. In 1661, the Treaty of Cardis was signed, according to which Russia renounced all the lands conquered in the Baltic states. The southern direction of foreign policy was determined by the struggle with Turkey and its vassal, the Crimean Khanate, which repeatedly raided the southern borders of the Russian state. Because of their threat, the territory adjacent to the Crimean Khanate was sparsely populated and was called the "wild field". Among the foreign policy tasks of the Russian state were the protection of its southern borders and the economic development of the fertile lands of the "wild field". In 1637, without the knowledge of the Russian government, the Don Cossacks captured the stronghold of the Turkish possessions, the Azov fortress. In 1641, the Turkish sultan sent a huge army to Azov, numbering 250 people. Five thousand Cossacks rejected the offer of the Turks to surrender the fortress and heroically defended it. The Turks were forced to lift the siege. However, the Zemsky Sobor in January 000, fearing a war with Turkey, refused to accept Azov into Russian citizenship. And after a five-year "sitting" (defense), Azov was returned to her. The Russian-Turkish war took place much later than the Azov siege "sitting" in 1677-1681. In 1676, Russian troops captured the Chigirin fortress. In the summer of 1677, a small Russian-Ukrainian garrison staunchly defended the fortress from a 100-strong Turkish army. In August of the same year, the Russian-Ukrainian army defeated the Turks in the battles on the Dnieper. In the summer of 1678, the Turks still managed to capture Chigirin. Since 1679, hostilities ceased, and peace negotiations began. In January 1681, the Treaty of Bakhchisaray was concluded. Under its terms, Turkey and Crimea recognized the entry of the Left-Bank Ukraine together with Kyiv into Russia, while the Right-Bank Ukraine remained with the Ottoman Empire. The eastern direction of foreign policy is, first of all, promotion to the Siberian lands. The development of Siberia for a long time was not accompanied by conflicts with any foreign states. The conquest of Siberia was accompanied by the taxation of indigenous peoples with yasak, i.e., tribute levied mainly in furs. In the 1618th century Russian fortified settlements (prisons) appeared in Siberia: Yenisei (1628), Krasnoyarsk (1630), Ilimsk (1632), Yakutsk (1652), Irkutsk (XNUMX) and others. During this period, the boundless Siberian expanses were traversed and explored by Russian explorers and navigators. The arrival of the Russians in the Far East led to a conflict with China, which was settled by the signing of the Nerchinsk Treaty in 1689. Following the pioneers, representatives of the tsarist administration came to Siberia. In 1637, the management of its vast territories was transferred to a specially created Siberian order. Siberia was divided into 19 districts, which were ruled by governors appointed from Moscow. 6.5. Russia at the end of the XNUMXth century After the death of Alexei Mikhailovich in 1676, his son Fyodor (1676-1682) became king. The short reign of Fyodor Alekseevich was marked by the further strengthening of the state and the centralization of power. In 1680, a military district reform was carried out. In 1682 localism was abolished, which objectively contributed to the strengthening of the positions of the nobility. There were also projects for reforming the administrative and church administration of the country, but they were not implemented due to the early death of the king in 1682. Young Fyodor Alekseevich died childless, so after his death, the question of succession to the throne became acute. At this time, there was a struggle for power between the boyar families of Miloslavsky and Naryshkin, whose representatives were, respectively, the first and second wives of Alexei Mikhailovich. By right of seniority, Ivan, the son of Maria Miloslavskaya, was to become the heir to the Russian throne. However, Ivan Alekseevich was a weak, sickly man and incapable of governing the state. The son of Alexei Mikhailovich from his second marriage, Peter, was proclaimed king. This did not suit the Miloslavskys and they provoked a streltsy uprising against the Naryshkins. As a result, a compromise solution was adopted: the Russian throne was divided between the two tsars Ivan and Peter. Sister Sophia (1682-1689) became their regent. Topic 7. The era of Peter's reforms 7.1. Prerequisites for the transformations of Peter I At the turn of the XNUMXth-XNUMXth centuries, having a huge territory (from the East European Plain to the expanses of Siberia), having an impressive reserve of natural resources, Russia nevertheless seriously lagged behind the leading European powers. The lag was manifested in the underdevelopment of capitalist relations, and in the lack of exploration and extraction of minerals, and in the weak development of trade with other countries due to the impossibility of access to the Baltic and Black Seas, and in frequent military failures in the second half of the XNUMXth century. (due to the lack of a regular army and navy), and in the low level of science and education. The technical and economic backwardness of Russia was the result of severe trials that fell to its lot. The development of the state was slowed down by the Mongol-Tatar yoke for a long time. The country was cut off from communication with Europe for centuries. The situation was also aggravated by feudal-serf relations. However, already in the second half of the XVII century. in Russia, the prerequisites for transformations and the implementation of major reforms are emerging. First of all, these include the objective need for the development of industry and foreign trade, science and education, as well as the desire not only to protect their lands from the encroachments of Sweden, the Commonwealth, Turkey, but also to establish themselves in the rank of a strong European power. The implementation of these ideas is associated with the reform activities of Tsar Peter I (1672-1725). As Peter grew up and could already claim real power, the relationship between him and Sophia became tense and even hostile. Supporters of Sophia tried to enlist the support of the archers in order to prevent the transfer of power to Peter. On the night of August 7-8, 1689, Peter received a message about the gathering of archers in the Kremlin and allegedly about their intention to "exterminate" him. Frightened, Peter hastily leaves the village of Preobrazhenskoye for the Trinity-Sergius Monastery in the hope of finding protection there. At his call, his mother arrives there - Tsarina Natalya, boyars, "amusing" regiments, foreign servicemen and part of the archers. The preponderance of forces was clearly on the side of Peter. Sophia, realizing her impotence, stopped the struggle for power. She was imprisoned in the Novodevichy Convent. Power again passed to the supporters of the Naryshkins, but Peter did not immediately begin to rule the state, because he had his own intentions, the implementation of which he took up (shipbuilding, the Azov campaigns of 1695-1696 and a trip abroad 1697-1698) 7. 2. Northern war and military reforms The Great Northern War (1700-1721) became a significant catalyst for the overdue transformations. Its reasons were the imperial policy of Sweden and its desire for dominance in the Baltic; the need for Russia to gain access to Europe through the Baltic Sea for the development of foreign trade; Sweden's geopolitical contradictions with other European powers. The first serious military clash between Russian and Swedish troops led by King Charles XII took place in November 1700 near Narva. The Russian army suffered a severe defeat. The Swedish king, after the Narva victory, did not dare to go deep into Russia, but opposed Augustus II, who was both the Saxon elector and the Polish king. Charles XII "stuck" for quite a long time in Poland. Meanwhile, Peter very successfully used this respite to reform the army and continue the transformation. In 1705, the Peter's government announced the recruitment of the so-called "recruits" directly from the peasant population. Thus, a stable system was created that provided the armed forces with people, which lasted until 1874. In total, up to 1725, 53 recruits were held. They gave more than 284 thousand people to the army and navy. New military regulations also appeared: "Military Regulations", "Line of Order", "Establishment for Battle". A new uniform army uniform, orders and medals, promotions were introduced. The first officer schools were organized to train command personnel. Peter paid special attention to the creation of the fleet. The construction of the Petrine fleet began in Voronezh in 1695-1696. Shipbuilders from Holland, England and Venice, Russian carpenters and workers were gathered here, who were able to build a large number of ships in a short time. Historians consider May 3, 1696, to be the birthday of the Russian fleet, when Peter I set sail from Voronezh in the Principium galley at the head of a detachment of eight galleys. In total, 1702 ships, 28 galleys and many small ships were built at the Voronezh shipyards until 23. The military reforms carried out very quickly gave positive results: from the end of 1701, the Russian army began to win victories in battles with the Swedes. In 1702, Peter stormed the Oreshek fortress, renaming it the city of Shlisselburg. In 1703 St. Petersburg was founded, and in 1704 the Russians captured Narva and Derpt (Yuriev). Meanwhile, the army of Charles XII returned to Russia, and the fighting continued in Ukraine, but already unsuccessfully for the Swedes. In October 1708, the hetman of Ukraine I.S. went over to the side of the Swedes. Mazepa. Peter I regarded this as a betrayal of the Russian throne. Later, after the defeat of Charles XII near Poltava, I.S. Mazepa fled with him to Turkish possessions, where he died in 1709 in the city of Bendery. In the spring of 1709, a 30-strong Swedish army approached Poltava. The unsuccessful siege of the city for the Swedes lasted two months. On June 27, 1709, the historical Battle of Poltava began. The troops met in a fierce battle. After two and a half hours of fierce fighting, the Swedish army, having lost more than 9 thousand people, was defeated, and the Swedish king with the remnants of his forces was forced to hide in Turkish possessions. In the Northern War there is a turning point in the direction of Russia. In 1710, Russian troops occupied Vyborg, Riga and Revel, which meant the annexation of Estonia and Livonia to Russia. In autumn 1710 Turkey declared war on Russia. The Russian army entered the territory of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, oppressed by Turkey, but the general uprising of Christians, as Peter expected, did not happen, and the Russian army soon found itself in a difficult situation. On the Prut River in the summer of 1711, the Russians entered into negotiations, a peace was concluded, according to which Russia was obliged to return the Sea of \uXNUMXb\uXNUMXbAzov to the Turks. Having suffered a heavy setback in the south, Peter continued the war with Sweden with redoubled energy. After the major victories of the Russian fleet at Cape Gangut (1714) and Grengam Island (1720), Sweden was forced on August 30, 1721 in the Finnish city of Nystadt to sign a peace treaty, according to which Estland, Livonia, Ingria, part of Karelia, as well as a number of islands in the Baltic Sea, the cities of Vyborg and Kexholm. All this not only created the necessary conditions for the accelerated development of the country, but also contributed to the strengthening of its position in the international arena. 7.3. Reforms in the economic, social and state-administrative spheres of society The growth of the country's economy contributed to the reforms in the army and the military achievements of Russia. In the first quarter of the XVIII century. there was a sharp leap in the development of the manufacturing industry. For 1695-1725. at least 200 manufactories of various profiles arose, that is, 10 times more than there were at the end of the XNUMXth century, with a huge increase in production volumes. In other words, industrialization was carried out in the state in the style of Peter the Great. The peculiarity of the economic boom during this period was the determining role of the state in the economy, its participation in all spheres of economic activity. At the same time, Peter actively pursued a policy of mercantilism[4] and protectionism[5] aimed at encouraging the industry that produces goods primarily for the foreign market. Manufactories were provided with labor on the basis of forced serf labor in accordance with the decrees of Peter I: 1703 - on "assigned peasants", who were assigned to manufactories to work at the expense of state taxes; 1721 - about "possession" peasants. The owners of manufactories were allowed to buy serfs for work. The state actively intervened in the trading activities of the Russian merchants. For this purpose, a monopoly was introduced on the sale of a number of goods (salt, tobacco, bread, flax, resin, wax, iron, etc.); there was a forced relocation of merchants to the new capital - St. Petersburg. Merchants were subject to large taxes and duties in favor of the state. This inevitably led to the restriction and regulation of the activities of Russian merchants and, accordingly, to the strangulation of freedoms based on the market conditions of entrepreneurs. Forced labor in industry to a large extent caused Russia's economic lagging behind the developed European powers. The feudal policy in industry also deformed the formation of the Russian bourgeoisie. The reformism of Peter I also affected the social structure of society. The Russian nobility was the main object of concern and grants of the monarch. The introduction of a new service criterion played a huge role in changing the status of the class of service people. The principle of descent was replaced by the principle of compulsory personal seniority for nobles. A new hierarchy was established within the nobility, finally fixed in the "Table of Ranks" (1722). All ranks were divided into military (including army and navy), civil and court ranks, they were divided into 14 classes. Having received the rank of the 8th class in civil service, and from the 12th class in the line of military service, everyone became a nobleman along with his descendants. The ranks of 14-9 classes also gave the nobility, but only personal, not hereditary. At the same time, this structure made it possible for representatives of other classes to make a career. Even earlier, in accordance with the Petrine decree on single inheritance (1714), a ban was introduced on the splitting of estates during inheritance. According to him, the estate was inherited by only one son. The rest of the sons had to go to the public service. An important privilege of the nobility was the legal equalization of estates, which they owned on a conditional right (subject to public service), and estates (unconditional hereditary possessions). There was a final merger of estates and estates. Thus, the Petrine reforms completed the process of formation of the nobility. In 1723-1724. a new estate was formed - the state peasants, which included the one-dvortsy of the South (former service people according to the instrument), the black-haired peasants of the North, the so-called yasash peasants of the Volga and Siberia, etc. They united according to the tax principle and made up 20% of the taxable population. This action of Peter had a typical fiscal-police character. All these small estate groups were not serfs, so the state decided to unify the motley collection of free people, turning them into a single estate controlled from above. The whole burden of wars and Peter's reforms was carried on the shoulders of the Russian peasantry. In the first quarter of the XVIII century. further developed the system of serfdom. This was reflected in the introduction of a new system of population accounting and taxation. In 1718-1724. The poll tax was introduced, the meaning of which was that instead of a dozen different small taxes and duties, a single direct monetary tax was introduced, which went directly to the needs of the army. At the same time, Peter eliminated the institution of servility that had existed in Russia since time immemorial. There was a merger into a single class of serfs and serfs, which was associated with the introduction of a poll tax, which they also began to pay. The most important direction of the transformations of Peter I was the reform of the state apparatus. In 1711, instead of the Boyar Duma, the Senate was established as the highest governing body, which was supposed to perform judicial, administrative and legislative functions. In 1722, the Prosecutor General was placed at the head of the Senate, who led its activities. The next link in the reform of the public administration system was the old managerial prikaz structures, which were replaced by colleges: military, foreign affairs, admiralty, chamber college, state college, justice college, auditing college, patrimonial college, commercial and industrial colleges. As a collegium, there was also the Most Holy Synod - the body that managed the affairs of the church. The patriarchate was abolished. This meant complete subordination of religious authority to the king. The created secret office was engaged in the investigation of state crimes. In 1720 a chief magistrate was created to govern the cities. The boards became the basis of the central management system. Their practical activities were carried out on the basis of regulations specially developed with the participation of the king. The General Regulations (1719-1724) were even created, containing the general principles of the activities of the bureaucratic apparatus of all state institutions. The activities of the collegiums were controlled by the prosecutor's office, headed by the prosecutor general. In 1707-1715. reform of local government. On December 17, 1707, a decree was issued on the formation of provinces. The essence of the new provincial government system was to transfer part of the functions of central institutions to governors, to concentrate information about the population, finances, etc. One of the final elements of the reform of Russian society was the proclamation of Russia as an empire and the final approval of the absolute monarchy (autocracy). On October 22, 1721, the Senate announced that Peter had been awarded the titles "Emperor", "Father of the Fatherland" and "Great". The apotheosis of absolutism was Peter's decree on succession to the throne of February 5, 1722, which destroyed the tradition according to which the throne passed through the male line from father to son and then to grandson. Now the successor was appointed at the emperor's own request, which subsequently, after the death of Peter in 1725, became the basis of palace coups. In general, the Petrine reforms of the first quarter of the XNUMXth century, carried out consciously and directed by the reformer tsar, contributed to a certain progress in Russia and its approximation to European standards, although in the end they led to the consolidation and strengthening of serfdom and political structures derived from its system. Topic 8. Palace coups 8.1. Prerequisites for political instability The powerful impetus given by Peter the Great's reforms continued to influence the development of the country. However, the sphere of political and power relations turned out to be the most vulnerable, which gave rise to the phenomenon called "palace coups". As a result of Peter the Great's transformations, a special type of absolutism was formed in Russia, different from Western Europe. It was characterized by the widespread use of the army and army orders in government. In Russia, relations between the estates and the supreme power developed along the path of "subjugation" and cruel pressure. The state intervened in the process of formation of estates. A contribution to the future political instability of the state was also made by the traditional policy of distribution and confiscation of land holdings by the monarch personally, which pitted some layers and groups of nobles against others. This created increased social tension among the ruling elite. The church reform, which led to the elimination of the patriarchate and the inclusion of religious institutions in the system of the state apparatus, finally undermined the ability of the church to be a counterbalance to autocracy. The "Charter on the Succession to the Throne", adopted by Peter I in 1722, abolished the centuries-old tradition of transferring power from father to son and proclaimed the right of the tsar to appoint an heir at his own discretion. This legal act in practice became the basis of palace coups and contributed to the intensification of the struggle for power between court factions. This led to the weakening of the ruling dynasty. Peter complicated the fate of his successors also by linking his surname with a number of princely families in Germany. The new relatives of the Romanovs got the opportunity to influence the balance of power in the Russian court and put forward their own candidates for the throne. An important component of the "coup" is the active participation of the guards in it - the elite military regiments (Semenovsky, Preobrazhensky), created by Peter I, which became the main military force in the capital and at the same time an instrument of power, including for palace coups. The alignment of political forces and the situation on the Russian throne largely depended on the position of the guard. In general, the era of palace coups in Russia, that is, instability in the political sphere of society, can be explained by the lack of public law principles in the country. Peter's reforms created a new structure of state power, but it was not provided with clear legal norms that would regulate the relationship between high dignitaries and the nobility, therefore, personal motives and motives were always in the foreground, on the basis of which power was built and functioned. Country in the XNUMXth century paid for Peter's reforms at a very high price: political instability in the form of palace coups, overstrain of the people's forces, increased feudal oppression and, paradoxically, the future lagging behind the leading Western states. 8.2. Russian monarchy in 1725-1762 Catherine I (1725-1727). In January 1725, Peter I died, unable to name his successor on the throne. Under these conditions, the closest associate of Peter A.D. developed great activity in the struggle for power. Menshikov. By his order, guards regiments were brought to the square in the capital, declaring that every Russian subject should obey Empress Catherine I. In 1724, her coronation as the All-Russian Empress took place in the Assumption Cathedral of the Pskov Kremlin. So the first one was made in the XNUMXth century. palace coup, which decided the issue of succession to the throne in favor of the second wife of Peter I. Catherine I only reigned, and did not show the slightest interest in governing the state. All cases were entrusted to A.D. Menshikov, in fact, he was the ruler of the country. Of the most significant state measures that influenced the development of Russia in the first half of the 1726th century, it should be noted the creation in February 1725 of the Supreme Privy Council in order to limit the role of the ruling Senate. It included A.D. Menshikov, F.M. Apraksin, G.I. Golovkin, P.A. Tolstoy, D.M. Golitsyn, A.I. Osterman and the Duke of Holstein. In general, the policy of Peter I was continued: according to his plans, the Academy of Sciences was opened (XNUMX), V. Bering's expedition was sent to the northeastern tip of Asia, etc. After the death of Catherine I, according to the will, Peter II, the grandson of Peter I and the son of Tsarevich Alexei, became the heir to the throne, under the regency of the Supreme Privy Council. Peter II (1727-1730). The appointment of Peter II as heir to the throne took place on the initiative of A.D. Menshikov. However, the young tsar became dependent on Menshikov's enemies - A.I. Osterman and the family of princes Dolgoruky, who in September 1727 seek disgrace and exile of Menshikov. Having eliminated him, Dolgoruky became the favorites of Peter II. Peter II was not engaged in serious state activities. He spent most of his time hunting and entertaining. In January 1730, young Peter II caught a bad cold, fell ill and died. Anna Ioannovna (1730-1740). With the death of Peter II, the male branch of the Romanov dynasty ended. Members of the Supreme Privy Council invited the Duchess of Courland Anna Ioannovna to the Russian throne. She was the second daughter of Tsar Ivan V (brother and co-ruler of Peter I). Peter I gave her in marriage to Duke Friedrich Wilhelm. He was the ruler of Courland, located on the territory of modern Latvia. After the death of her husband, Anna ruled Courland until the moment when the "supervisors" remembered her. It was supposed to proclaim Anna the empress, but to leave the real power to the Supreme Privy Council. To limit the imperial power, the so-called "conditions" were drawn up - clauses that regulated Anna's powers. Anna first signed this document. But, having arrived in Russia, with the support of the nobility, she broke the "conditions". Anna took a number of measures aimed at improving the social status of the nobility and strengthening the autocracy. In March 1730, the Supreme Privy Council, which became the center of the Russian oligarchy, was liquidated, and the power of the Senate was restored, which included the "supervisors". For the operational management of the country in the fall of 1731, the Cabinet of Ministers was formed, which included Chancellor G.I. Golovkin, Vice Chancellor A.I. Osterman, princes A.M. Cherkassky, P.I. Yaguzhinsky, A.P. Volynsky. It should be noted that the first roles at the throne of Anna Ioannovna were entrenched by foreigners by origin: E.I. Biron (her favourite), B.H. Minich, Levenwolde brothers, A.I. Osterman. But all of them, except for E.I. Biron, began to serve under Peter I. And from the associates of E.I. Biron, many were Russian. However, the assertion that there was a certain "German party" at the court, headed by E.I. Biron, not entirely correct. Going to meet the wishes of the nobles, Anna Ioannovna in 1730 canceled the Peter's law on single inheritance, according to which the landowner could transfer his estate to only one son, dooming the rest to existence at the expense of military or civil service. In 1736, a decree appeared, establishing a 25-year term of service for the nobles and facilitating dismissal from the army. Salaries were set for Russian officers at the level of payment to foreigners. These measures allowed the empress to expand the social basis of her power. Significant successes in the 30s of the XVIII century. has reached in the development of the metallurgical industry. Iron smelting at state-owned Ural plants increased by 64,4%, which allowed Russia to surpass the level of England in this indicator. Exports increased sharply: iron - 5 times; bread - 22 times. In general, the policy of Anna Ioannovna and her favorite Biron corresponded to the Russian political tradition of the XNUMXth-XNUMXth centuries. Anna Ioannovna died on October 17, 1740, bequeathing the throne to the newly born son of her niece Anna Leopoldovna Ivan VI Antonovich under the regency of E.I. Biron. Ivan VI Antonovich and Anna Leopoldovna (1740-1741). Regency E.I. Biron lasted only three weeks. His relations with the Braunschweig family deteriorated sharply. Field Marshal B.Kh. took advantage of this. Minich, who carried out a coup d'etat, as a result of which E.I. Biron was arrested and removed from power. The functions of the ruler under the infant emperor were transferred to Anna Leopoldovna. Her unwillingness and inability to seriously engage in government, the use of her position for the sake of satisfying whims caused strong discontent in St. Petersburg society. A conspiracy was drawn up against her, in which the supporters of Elizabeth Petrovna played a decisive role - her doctor I.G. Lestok, brothers A.I. and P.I. Shuvalovs, A.G. Razumovsky, M.I. Vorontsov. On the night of November 25, 1741, another palace coup was carried out by the forces of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. Ivan Antonovich and his mother Anna Leopoldovna were dethroned and sent into exile. Elizabeth was proclaimed empress. Elizaveta Petrovna (1741-1761). Elizabeth was born in 1709 and by the middle of the XNUMXth century. was the only direct heiress of Peter the Great. Having become the ruler of Russia, she first of all modified the structure of state administration: she restored the role of the Senate, the Cabinet of Ministers was liquidated and a personal imperial office was established through which all documents passed, which again led to increased centralization of power in the hands of the monarch. In the interests of the noble landlords, their rights in relation to the peasantry were expanded, which further strengthened the serfdom: from 1742, a ban was introduced for landlord peasants to enter military service of their own free will (under Peter I, this was allowed), in 1747 it was it was allowed for the nobles to sell peasants as recruits, in 1760 the landowners received the right to exile peasants who were objectionable to them to Siberia. The economic policy during the reign of Elizabeth Petrovna was largely determined by P.I. Shuvalov (1710-1762). He developed projects for economic and financial reforms, which were carried out by his efforts. These primarily include the well-known Shuvalov reform - the abolition of internal customs duties in the country (1753). This tax was detrimental to the development of trade, especially to sellers who directly produced goods, and hindered the emergence of an all-Russian market. The loss of the treasury due to the abolition of internal duties P.I. Shuvalov proposed to compensate with protectionist measures. On his initiative, a new Customs Charter (1755) was issued and a new customs tariff was introduced. As a result, duties were increased on goods imported from abroad, and the state treasury even benefited from this: receipts from the collection of duties increased by 200 rubles. In 1754, he proposed to establish the Noble and Merchant banks in Russia, which contributed to the development of the country's economic and financial system. Banks gave loans at 6% per annum, and moneylenders - at 20%. In 1744-1747. a population census was conducted and the taxation system was streamlined. P.I. Shuvalov sought to shift the burden of direct taxation to indirect taxes. Prices for salt and other essential products were constantly rising. Reforms P.I. Shuvalov to a large extent prepared the implementation of the reforms in the Catherine era and contributed to the strengthening of stability in the country. Elizaveta Petrovna supported science, culture and education. In 1755, Moscow University was opened, the first curator of which was the favorite of the Empress I.I. Shuvalov (1727-1797). In the field of foreign policy, Elizabeth's reign was marked by victory in the Russo-Swedish War (1741-1743) and Russia's successful participation in the Seven Years' War (1756-1762). Her nephew was proclaimed heir to the throne under the name of Peter III, who, after the death of Elizabeth in December 1761, inherited the Russian crown. Peter III (December 25, 1761-June 28, 1762). The main reforms introduced by Peter III were carefully thought out and planned in advance by the Russian bureaucracy. The circle of advisers and dignitaries who developed and carried out reforms included such figures as the secretary of the emperor D.V. Volkov, Prosecutor General A.I. Glebov, Chancellor Count M.I. Vorontsov and his brother Senator R.I. Vorontsov, courtiers I.I. Shuvalov, L.A. Naryshkin, I.G. Chernyshev, director of the cadet corps A.P. Melgunov and others. This coalition was formed during the reign of Elizabeth. The main of the transformations of the government of Peter III was the manifesto "On the Liberty of the Nobility" (February 18, 1762), according to which it was exempted from compulsory public service; Decree on the secularization of church lands (February 19, 1762), i.e., on the transfer of land holdings of monasteries, together with the peasants who lived on them, to the jurisdiction of the state; liquidation of the Secret Chancellery, which was in charge of political investigation (February 21, 1762). If the reformist nature of the domestic policy of Peter III is not in doubt, then it is more difficult to explain his foreign policy. The exit from the Seven Years' War, the conclusion of peace, the return of the conquered territories, the transition from confrontation to an alliance with Prussia, the beginning of preparations for a war with Sweden for Prussian interests were alien and incomprehensible to Russian society and caused discontent in the army, mainly in the guards. As a result, a conspiracy matures against Peter III, which was realized through another palace coup, and his wife Catherine II takes the throne. Topic 9. Russia in the second half of the XNUMXth century 9.1 Enlightened absolutism of Catherine II The policy of Catherine II (1762-1796) was called "enlightened absolutism". European politicians of that period viewed Catherine II as an enlightened head of state and nation, who cared for her subjects on the basis of the laws he established. In the concept of Catherine II, autocracy was not questioned. It was it that was to become the main instrument of gradual reform in all spheres of the life of Russian society. And the whole system of state institutions, according to Catherine II, is only a mechanism for realizing the supreme will of an enlightened autocrat. One of the first initiatives of Catherine II was the reform of the Senate. On December 15, 1763, a decree appeared, according to which its powers and structure were changed. The Senate was deprived of legislative powers, retaining only the functions of control and the highest judicial body. Structurally, the Senate was divided into 6 departments with strictly defined competence, which made it possible to increase the efficiency of this central government body. The main historical document, which outlined the political doctrine of Catherine II, was the "Instruction of the Commission on the drafting of a new Code", written by the Empress herself in 1764-1766. and representing the talented revision of the works of Sh.L. Montesquieu and other philosophers and jurists. It contains a lot of reasoning about the nature of laws, which should correspond to the historical characteristics of the people. And the Russian people, according to Catherine II, belonged to the European community. The Nakaz said that the vast extent of the territories of Russia requires only an autocratic form of government, any other can lead the country to death. It was noted that the goal of autocracy is the welfare of all subjects. The monarch rules in accordance with the laws established by him. All citizens are equal before the law. The order was intended for a commission convened from all over the country to develop a draft of a new Code, which began to meet in Moscow in July 1767. The commission consisted of 572 deputies elected according to the estate-territorial principle from nobles, townspeople, Cossacks, state peasants, non-Russian peoples of the Volga region and Siberia. But it soon became clear that the deputies of the Legislative Commission were poorly prepared for legislative work. The main reason for the failure of the commission's activity was the contradictions between representatives of different social, regional and national groups, which it was not possible to overcome in the course of work. In December 1768, the empress issued a decree dissolving the Legislative Commission under the pretext of another war with Turkey. As a result, Catherine II took up law-making on her own and continued to govern the state with the help of nominal decrees and manifestos, replacing in this sense the entire Legislative Commission. Another important transformative element in the policy of Catherine II was the secularization reform. In February 1764, the empress issued a decree, according to which the monastery lands, together with the population, were seized from the church and subordinated to the College of Economy. Now the peasants, by their legal status, became state-owned and paid taxes no longer to the church, but to the state. They got rid of the monastic corvee. The land plots of the peasants increased, it became easier for them to engage in crafts and trade. As a result of this reform, spiritual power was finally transferred to the maintenance of secular power, and the clergy turned into civil servants. Catherine II eliminated the remaining elements of the liberties and privileges of the national territories that became part of Russia. The governing bodies and the administrative-territorial division of the Novgorod land, Smolensk, Livonia (Russia's Baltic possessions) were unified and brought into line with Russian laws. In 1764, the hetmanate in Ukraine was liquidated and P.A. Rumyantsev. The remnants of autonomy and the former Cossack freemen were liquidated. In 1783, Catherine II issued a decree prohibiting the transfer of Ukrainian peasants from one landowner to another, which finally consolidated serfdom here. In 1791, the Empress established the Pale of Settlement for the Jewish population, which limited the rights of Jews to settle in certain territories. New in the national policy of the state was the invitation to Russia of German colonists, mostly simple peasants. In the mid 1760s. more than 30 thousand migrants began to develop the territories of the Lower Volga region, the Urals, and later the Crimea and the North Caucasus. In the general structure of Catherine's reforms, the reform of the local government system occupies an extremely important place. As a result of the provincial reform (1775), local government acquired a clearer and more organized structure. The number of provinces increased to 50. The province was a territory with a population of 300-400 thousand people, which was divided into counties, each with a population of 20-30 thousand people. In county towns, power belonged to the appointed mayor. Administrative and judicial functions were separated. Special provincial chambers of criminal and civil courts were created. Some positions are elective. The provincial reform strengthened the local government, the center of administrative activity was moved here, which made it possible to gradually abolish some colleges. In 1782, a police reform was carried out, according to which police and church-moral control was established over the population. The administration reform was completed by the adoption of two most important documents - Letters of Complaint to the Nobility and Cities (1785), which became the fundamental legal acts in the sphere of the empress's estate policy. The charter granted to the nobility legally secured for him all the rights and privileges as the main class of society. In the case of the service, the right to choose or refuse service was confirmed, special rights were retained in matters of land ownership, court, taxation, and corporal punishment. The criteria for reckoning with the nobility were strictly defined, the compilation of genealogical books put all the nobles in their places. The corporatism of the nobles was strengthened through the legal registration of noble assemblies and the election of provincial and district leaders. Only one question, concerning the right and ownership of serf souls, was not covered in the Letter of Complaint. The Empress, as it were, left this problem open. The charter granted to the cities was aimed at the formation of a "third estate" in Russia. A new body of city self-government was created - the city duma, headed by the mayor. City residents were elected and could be elected to it, divided into six categories depending on property and social differences. Thus, an elective-representative institution of power appeared in Russian cities. The charter provided the city dwellers (philistines) with a structure of rights and privileges close to that of the nobility. The philistines were defined as a special class, and this title, like the nobility, was hereditary. The right of ownership of property and its inheritance, the right to engage in industrial and commercial activities were guaranteed. The merchants of the first and second guilds, as the most significant part of the townspeople, were exempted from corporal punishment, as well as from the poll tax and recruitment duty. In return, they paid a tax of 1% on capital and contributed 360 rubles per recruit. In 1786, an educational reform was carried out: a system of educational institutions was created. Catherine II opposed the extremes of serfdom, condemning them in her works. But objectively, during her reign, there was an increase in feudal oppression in the country (the final spread of serfdom in Ukraine, the tightening in 1765 of Elizabeth's decree on the right of landlords to exile serfs without trial to Siberia for settlement and hard labor, the ban on peasants to file complaints against the nobles), which was one of the main reasons for the intensification of popular uprisings, which resulted in the largest in the eighteenth century. Cossack-peasant war. 9.2. Cossack-peasant war led by E.I. Pugacheva (1773-1775) During the reign of Catherine II, social contradictions intensified in the country, caused by the strengthening of serfdom against various categories of peasants and the expansion of the privileges of the nobility. Quite often, popular demonstrations broke out under anti-serfdom slogans, and the flight from the landowners of the peasants, driven to despair, became widespread. The southern regions of the state became the center of social discontent. The movement began among the Cossacks. It was headed by Emelyan Ivanovich Pugachev. Serfs, working people, as well as foreigners of the Volga region (Bashkirs, Tatars, Mari, Udmurts, etc.) become under his banner. In the territories under the control of the Pugachevites, authorities were created like a Cossack circle (community) with elected chieftains, elders and other officials. The war had three main phases: Stage I (September 1773 - March 1774): an unsuccessful 6-month siege of Orenburg by E. Pugachev and a defeat from government troops near the Tatishchev fortress. Stage II (April-July 1774): the movement of Pugachev's troops from the city of Orenburg through the Urals and the Kama region to Kazan; battle for Kazan (July 12-17, 1774). The capture of the city by the rebels, and then the defeat of the troops of Colonel I.M. Michelson. Stage III (July 1774 - January 1775): On July 31, 1774, E. Pugachev issued a decree on the release of peasants from serfdom and taxes; the movement of E. Pugachev from Kazan to the south; unsuccessful siege by E. Pugachev of the city of Tsaritsyn; August 25, 1774 - the decisive defeat of the rebels at the Salnikov plant; the army of E. Pugachev ceased to exist; September 18, 1774 - the capture of E. Pugachev by the Cossack elite and his extradition to the tsarist authorities; January 10, 1775 E.I. Pugachev and his closest associates were executed in Moscow. Peasant war in Russia in the second half of the XNUMXth century. was the largest uprising of the masses against serfdom and was, in essence, a kind of civil. All this testified to the crisis of the feudal-serf system in the country. 9.3 Foreign policy of Catherine II In the second half of the XVIII century. Russia's foreign policy was focused on solving problems in two main directions: southern and western. In the southern direction, there was a sharp struggle between Russia and the Ottoman Empire for the Northern Black Sea region and ensuring the security of the southern borders. This led to two Russo-Turkish wars. Russian-Turkish war 1768-1774 The reason for the war was the intervention of Russia in the affairs of Poland, which caused discontent in Turkey. September 25, 1768 Turkey declared war on Russia. The fighting began in the winter of 1769, when the Crimean Khan, an ally of Turkey, invaded Ukraine, but his attack was repelled by Russian troops under the command of P.A. Rumyantsev. Military operations were conducted on the territory of Moldova, Wallachia and at sea. The decisive year in the war was 1770, in which brilliant victories were won by the Russian army. The fleet under the command of Admiral G.A. Spiridov and Count A.G. Orlov rounded Europe, entered the Mediterranean Sea and in the Chesme Bay off the coast of Asia Minor on June 24-26, 1770 completely destroyed the Turkish squadron. On land, a number of victories were won by the Russian army led by P.A. Rumyantsev. In the summer of 1770, he won victories on the tributaries of the Prut - the Larga and Cahul rivers, which made it possible for Russia to reach the Danube. In 1771, Russian troops under the command of Prince V.M. Dolgorukov took the Crimea. In 1772-1773. an armistice was concluded between the warring parties and peace negotiations began. However, they ended up with nothing. The war has resumed. The Russians crossed the Danube, in this campaign brilliant victories in the summer of 1774 were won by the corps of A.V. Suvorov. Turkey started talking about making peace. On July 10, 1774, at the headquarters of the Russian command, in the town of Kyuchuk-Kaynarzhi, a peace treaty was signed, according to which Russia received the Black Sea lands between the Dnieper and the Bug; the right to build a Russian military fleet on the Black Sea; indemnity from Turkey in the amount of 4,5 million rubles; recognition of the independence of the Crimean Khanate from the Ottoman Empire. Russian-Turkish war 1787-1791 The confrontation between Russia and the Ottoman Empire continued. The Turkish Sultan Selim III began to demand the return of the Crimea, the recognition of Georgia as his vassal and the inspection of Russian merchant ships passing through the Bosporus and Dardanelles. On August 13, 1787, having received a refusal, he declared war on Russia, which acted in alliance with Austria. Military operations began with the repulse of an attack by Turkish troops on the fortress of Kinburn (not far from Ochakov). The general leadership of the Russian army was carried out by the head of the Military Collegium, Prince G.A. Potemkin. In December 1788, after a long siege, Russian troops took the Turkish fortress of Ochakov. In 1789 A.V. Suvorov, with lesser forces, twice achieved victory in the battles of Focsani and on the Rymnik River. For this victory, he received the title of count and became known as Count Suvorov-Rymniksky. In December 1790, the troops under his command managed to achieve the capture of the Izmail fortress - the citadel of Ottoman rule on the Danube, which was the main victory in the war. In 1791, the Turks lost the fortress of Anapa in the Caucasus, and then lost the naval battle at Cape Kaliakria (near the Bulgarian city of Varna) in the Black Sea to the Russian fleet under the command of Admiral F.F. Ushakov. All this forced Turkey to conclude a peace treaty, which was signed in Iasi in December 1791. This treaty confirmed the accession to Russia of the Crimea and the protectorate over Eastern Georgia; acquisition by Russia of lands between the Dniester and the southern Bug; the withdrawal of Russian troops from Moldova, Wallachia and Bessarabia. The implementation of the policy in the western direction was to strengthen the position of Russia in Europe and was associated with participation in the partitions of Poland, as well as with the opposition of France, in which in 1789-1794. a bourgeois revolution took place and whose revolutionary influence was feared by the European monarchical states, and above all by the Russian Empire. The initiator of the division of the weakened Poland was Prussia. Her king Frederick II offered Catherine II to divide the Commonwealth between her neighbors, especially since Austria had already begun the division, since her troops were located directly on the territory of this state. As a result, the St. Petersburg Convention of July 25, 1772 was concluded, which sanctioned the first partition of Poland. Russia received the eastern part of Belarus and part of the Latvian lands that were previously part of Livonia. In 1793, the second partition of Poland took place. Russia took possession of central Belarus with the cities of Minsk, Slutsk, Pinsk and Right-Bank Ukraine, including Zhytomyr and Kamenets-Podolsky. This caused an uprising of Polish patriots in 1794 led by Tadeusz Kosciuszko. It was brutally suppressed by Russian troops under the command of A.V. Suvorov. The third and last partition of the Commonwealth took place in 1795. The lands of Courland, Lithuania, and Western Belarus were ceded to Russia. As a result, Russia captured more than half of all Polish lands. Poland lost its statehood for more than a hundred years. As a result of the divisions of Poland, Russia acquired vast territories, moved the state border far to the west to the center of the continent, which significantly increased its influence in Europe. The reunification of the Belarusian and Ukrainian peoples with Russia freed them from the religious oppression of Catholicism and created opportunities for the further development of peoples within the framework of the Eastern Slavic socio-cultural community. And finally, at the end of the XVIII century. the main task of Russia's foreign policy was the struggle against revolutionary France. After the execution of King Louis XVI, Catherine II broke off diplomatic and trade relations with France, actively helped the counter-revolutionaries, and, together with England, tried to put economic pressure on France. Only the Polish national liberation uprising of 1794 prevented Russia from openly organizing an intervention. Foreign policy of Russia in the second half of the XNUMXth century. was active and expansionist in nature, which made it possible to include new lands in the state and strengthen its position in Europe. 9.4 Russia under Paul I (1796-1801) Paul's views were formed under the influence of many factors and underwent a certain evolution during his life. The heir to the throne grew up as a romantic youth and believed in the ideals of enlightened absolutism until he saw many inconsistencies in the policy of Catherine II compared to the proclaimed ideals. Gradually, a critical attitude towards the deeds of his mother grew in him. Other factors soon added to this: the alienation between Paul and Catherine II, who was not going to share power with him and even thought about depriving her son of the throne and transferring him to his beloved grandson Alexander. All this led to a change in his views and character. He becomes nervous, quick-tempered, suspicious and despotic. With the accession of Paul I to the throne, a reorientation of domestic policy and, above all, the system of state administration begins. Centralization based on administrative-bureaucratic methods began to play the predominant role in this area. Paul I replaced elected positions of the nobility with appointed bureaucratic and bureaucratic ones and strengthened the supervisory functions of the prosecutor's office. He restored a number of state departments involved in the economy: berg-, manufactory-, camera-, commerce-boards. Introduced a new system of succession. On April 7, 1797, he issued a decree on the succession to the Russian throne, in accordance with which the decree of Peter I of 1722 on the appointment of his heir as the current emperor was canceled. Now the principle was introduced (in force until 1917), which provided for the transfer of the throne by inheritance according to the right of primogeniture through the male line. The system of local government underwent a major change: city dumas were closed, the chambers of the civil and criminal courts were again merged into one, and some judicial instances were abolished. The administrative-territorial division of the country and the principles of managing the national outskirts were revised. 50 provinces were transformed into 41 provinces and regions of the Don Cossacks, in Ukraine and in the Baltic provinces traditional government bodies were reintroduced. The trend in Pavlovian politics towards centralization included such extreme manifestations as the desire for complete unification and regulation in the life of society. Special decrees ordered the wearing of certain styles of clothing, it was forbidden to wear round hats, shoes with ribbons instead of buckles, and so on. Censorship is on the rise. In 1797-1799. 639 publications were banned. The production of books in Russia was sharply reduced, and a ban was introduced on their import from abroad. Paul I paid special attention to the army, deciding to reform it in the Prussian manner. He introduced a new uniform in the army, completely copying the Prussian one, put things in order in drill training, new regulations were developed, and discipline was tightened. Estate policy was also based on principles different from Catherine's. For Paul I, the class freedom enjoyed by the nobles thanks to the reforms of Catherine II was unacceptable. He obliged the nobles to serve, allowed them to be subjected to corporal punishment, abolished provincial noble assemblies, and county ones lost many powers. Restrictions were imposed on the transition of nobles from military service to civilian service: to choose a civil service instead of a military one, the permission of the Senate, approved by the tsar, was required. The nobles were taxed for the maintenance of the provincial administration. There is a certain amount of historical facts that can be interpreted as the monarch's concern for the people, for example: a manifesto appeared on a three-day corvee a week; for the first time in the history of the country, serfs were ordered to swear allegiance to Paul I, who had ascended the throne, along with freemen; some recruiting sets were canceled (in 1796 and 1800); arrears were withdrawn from the peasants and philistines for poll taxes; it was forbidden to sell serfs without land; peasant complaints were resolved. But other historical facts are also known. At the beginning of his reign, peasant unrest broke out in a number of provinces, which were brutally suppressed. The peasants were ordered to obey the landowners without complaint. The reign of Paul is characterized by the mass distribution of state-owned peasants to private individuals as a reward. No archival historical documents have been preserved that testify to Paul's ardent desire to abolish serfdom. In general, the domestic policy of Paul I was controversial and was aimed at leveling Catherine's reforms, which, in principle, could not be done, since the period of Paul I's stay in power was short. The foreign policy of Paul I was inconsistent. At the beginning of his reign, he declared neutrality with respect to revolutionary France and refused to send a Russian corps there to conduct military operations. However, after the capture of the island of Malta by Napoleon in 1798, Paul I decided to participate in the struggle against France as part of a coalition with England, Austria and the Kingdom of Naples. But in 1800, he was moving closer to France, while becoming an enemy of England, since her troops captured the "road" for the Russian autocrat, the island of Malta. Violating international rules, Paul ordered the arrest of all English merchant ships. In December 1800, without fodder, without the necessary maps, without knowledge of the terrain, Paul I sent 40 regiments of Don Cossacks (22 people) to conquer British India, dooming them to death. The unpredictable controversial policy of Paul I, the uncertainty of the highest dignitaries and the environment for their future led to the emergence of hidden opposition and the formation of a political conspiracy. The heir to the throne, Alexander, was also informed about the conspiracy. On the night of March 11-12, 1801, the conspirators entered the residence of Paul I - Mikhailovsky Castle - and killed the emperor. On March 12, 1801, a manifesto was published on the death of Paul I and the accession to the throne of Alexander I. Topic 10. Russia in the first half of the XNUMXth century. Reign of Alexander I 10.1. Economic and socio-political development of Russia At the beginning of the XIX century. in Russia, the autocratic system of government continued to dominate on the basis of a feudal-serf economy, the structure of which was archaic. The landed estates, based on forced serf labor, had low productivity. All attempts to intensify agricultural production were carried out by strengthening feudal forms of exploitation: increasing corvée and dues. At the same time, new economic relations gained strength, which were not characteristic of the feudal-serf system, which testified to its crisis and the beginning of decomposition. The growth of domestic and foreign trade in the early XIX century. stimulated the construction of new means of communication. In the northwestern region in 1810-1811. The Mariinsky and Tikhvin canal systems were opened. Fairs were held at the intersections of trade flows. Petersburg, Moscow, Tula, Yaroslavl were leaders in industrial terms, while the mining and metallurgical industry was concentrated in the Urals, Altai and Transbaikalia. Gradually (from the second third of the XNUMXth century) an industrial revolution began in Russia, as evidenced by the appearance of the first railways, the launching of steam ships, the use of machine labor in factories and plants. The social relations of pre-reform Russia were based on estates. The society was divided into estates with different legal rights and obligations, which were inherited. The privileged estates included the nobles, who occupied a dominant position and were the backbone of the autocracy. They owned land and serfs, were exempt from taxes and compulsory service. The clergy was a closed estate, the privilege of which was determined by the dominant position of the Russian Orthodox Church in the state and its spiritual sphere. The merchant class had a number of significant privileges. It was exempted from some taxes and had the right of class self-government. Merchants of the 1st guild were exempted from recruitment duty and corporal punishment. The Cossacks were considered semi-privileged (special) class. The Cossacks owned land, were exempt from taxes, enjoyed Cossack self-government. Their main duty was military service with their equipment. Unprivileged estates (taxable) made up the majority of the country's population. City dwellers were recorded in the bourgeoisie: artisans, small merchants, hired workers. They paid high taxes and carried out recruitment duties. The most numerous class was represented by the peasantry, which was subdivided into state, appanage and landowners. State peasants owned land on a communal right, had peasant self-government, paid taxes and carried out recruitment duties. Specific peasants belonged to the royal family and carried all the duties. The landlord serfs performed all duties as the property of the nobles (corvée, dues, etc.), also carried out recruitment in full and paid a poll tax. In general, the population of Russia at the beginning of the XIX century. was 43,7 million people. 10.2. Reforms of the beginning of the reign of Alexander I Alexander I (1801-1825) ascended the throne in March 1801 under extraordinary circumstances, when his father, Emperor Paul I, was killed as a result of a noble conspiracy. The new tsar was brought up in the spirit of enlightened absolutism. His mentor was F.Ts. Laharpe, a Swiss lawyer, an ardent supporter of the educational ideas of the XNUMXth century, who was not only a teacher for him, but also a moral authority. Even before the beginning of the reign, a small circle of like-minded people formed around Alexander, which included V.P. Kochubey, A.A. Czartoryski, P.A. Stroganov, N.N. Novosiltsev. After Alexander's accession to the throne, the circle was reorganized into the Unspoken Committee, where plans for transformations were discussed and worked out. In his first decrees, Alexander I announced a political amnesty (March 15, 1801) and abolished the body of political investigation - the Secret Chancellery (April 2, 1801). Articles of Letters of Complaint to the nobility and cities, canceled by Paul I, were fully restored. In the manifestos of September 8, 1802, the rights and place of the Senate in the system of state administration were redefined, and ministries were also established. The Senate was recognized as the supreme administrative and judicial body of the empire, but its powers were naturally limited by the power of the sovereign. The established eight ministries were merged into the Committee of Ministers. Major reforms were carried out in the field of public education. Alexander I on January 24, 1803 approved a new regulation on the organization of educational institutions. The territory of Russia was divided into six educational districts, in which 4 categories of educational institutions were created: parish, district, provincial schools, as well as gymnasiums and universities. As a result of the reforms, new universities were opened: in 1802 Derpt (now the University of Tartu), in 1803 - Vilna (now Vilnius - the capital of Lithuania), in 1804 - Kharkov and Kazan. At the same time, the main pedagogical institute was founded in St. Petersburg, which since 1819 has been transformed into a university. Privileged educational institutions also appeared: the Demidov Lyceum in Yaroslavl (1805), the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum (1811). Transformations in the field of education contributed to the creation of the preconditions for the "great reforms" of the 60s and 70s. XIX century, raising the level of the political culture of society, expanding the circle of educated people who understood the need for transformation and constituted the educated environment in which the views of future reformers and their supporters were formed. In 1803, the meetings of the Private Committee ceased. All activities for the reforms began to be coordinated by the Committee of Ministers, which included all members of the former Unspoken Committee. The development of further transformations was mainly concentrated in the Ministry of the Interior, headed by V.P. Kochubey. After some time, a talented employee M.M. appeared in the ministry. Speransky, who soon became a prominent representative of the reformers. 10.3. Projects M.M. Speransky and the constitutional plans of the supreme power Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky (1772-1839) occupied a special place in the process of developing reform plans and attempts to implement them. The son of a village priest, thanks to his talent and organizational skills, he became one of the most enlightened people of his time, an intellectual and philosopher, the author of a comprehensive project to update the state system of the country. By 1809 M.M. Speransky prepared the main document "Introduction to the Code of State Laws" and a number of other works adjoining it, devoted to the presentation of various reforms. In general, the plan was approved by the emperor. The reform of the public administration system was based on the principle of separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial. Legislative power, according to M.M. Speransky, really had to embody the body in the form of the State Duma, which was supposed to be made an elected institution. No law could be passed without her prior approval. According to the draft, the ministers also became accountable to the Duma. In all this, there was a tendency to limit autocracy. Judicial power was to be concentrated in the hands of the Senate, with its release from all other functions. The executive power in the project was represented by ministries, provincial and district institutions. An extraordinary role was assigned to the State Council, which was supposed to combine the actions of the emperor with institutions representing all branches of power. The members of the Council of State were appointed by the tsar and were to play the role of the upper house of parliament in this general reform scheme. It was supposed to hold the initial discussion of the most important state affairs. Despite the radical nature of Speransky's plan, it did not provide for the abolition of serfdom, since the author was in favor of gradually limiting the power of landowners over serfs. In fact, the project of M.M. Speransky meant the transformation of an autocratic monarchy into a constitutional one. Working on a general plan for transformations, M.M. Speransky achieved in April and August 1809 the adoption of two decrees, which, in his opinion, were supposed to streamline the work of the state apparatus, make it more professional on the eve of reforms. According to the first decree, the practice of equating court ranks with civil ranks was abolished, which allowed dignitaries to move from court service to higher positions in the state apparatus. The second decree introduced a mandatory educational qualification for civil ranks. To obtain the rank of collegiate assessor (VIII class), it was necessary to have a university education or pass the appropriate exam. This initiative met with dissatisfaction of part of the service nobility. On January 1, 1810, Alexander I established the State Council with a special manifesto, designed to become the highest state authority. Under him, the State Chancellery was created, and M.M. Speransky was appointed the first state secretary with broad powers. It would seem that the reform plans were beginning to be implemented, but in reality there were very significant deviations from the prepared projects. The State Council did not become an institution that would be a link between the tsar and all branches of power, but received the status of a legislative body, and it was in charge of a range of issues that should have been within the competence of the State Duma. She was simply not considered. At the same time, resistance to reforms on the part of the nobility increased. In March 1812 M.M. Speransky was dismissed and exiled to Nizhny Novgorod. He was accused of spying for Napoleon and exiled further to Siberia, where he ruled. Later M.M. Speransky was returned from exile. A new rise in his career came already in the reign of Nicholas I. As a result of the military victories of the Russian army and the strengthening of Russia's position in Europe, Alexander I again returned to constitutional plans. This found its real embodiment in Poland, which became part of the Russian Empire. In May 1815, the Polish population was announced to be granted a constitution, local self-government, its own army, and freedom of the press. The Russian emperor, in accordance with the constitution of the Kingdom of Poland, became the king of Poland. A bicameral parliament was created. At the time, this constitution was one of the most liberal in Europe. Alexander I promised to introduce the Constitution in Russia in the future. Work on the Russian constitution in an atmosphere of great secrecy took place in Warsaw under the leadership of N.N. Novosiltsev in 1819-1820. The project was called the "State Statutory Diploma of the Russian Empire" and provided for its transformation into a constitutional monarchy. This was supposed to be achieved through the creation of a representative legislative deliberative parliament of two chambers: the Senate and the Chamber of Ambassadors. The administrative-territorial structure according to the new project was to consist of large formations - 10 governorships. The constitutional draft declared freedom of speech, religion, equality of all before the law. A separate article was devoted to the justification and protection of the right to private property. Not a word was said about serfdom in the draft. However, the project was not made public and put into action. Once again, the indecisiveness and inconsistency of the internal political course of Alexander I manifested itself. 10.4. Autocracy and the peasant question One of the cardinal problems of Russian reality was the problem of serfdom. During any attempts to reform in the country, the question of its resolution was inevitably raised. The beginning of the reign of Alexander I was marked by some shifts in the solution of the peasant question. On February 20, 1803, a decree was issued "On free cultivators", which made it possible for the landowners to release the peasants who belonged to them into freedom with allotment of land to them. The terms of release were determined by a mutual agreement between the peasants and the landowner. At the same time, the peasant had to make a ransom, determined by the landowner. In fact, a new social group of free cultivators could be created in the country, who owned the land by the right of private property. The decree also had an important ideological significance: for the first time, the possibility of freeing peasants with land for ransom was approved. Its publication was the first attempt by the government to move away from the hard line of maintaining serfdom and recognizing the possibility of capitalist development in agriculture. Alexander I had high hopes for the issued decree. But the results were weak: during his reign, 161 transactions took place and 47 souls of peasants were released. And in total, during the period of the decree (that is, until 153), 1861 peasants became free farmers, which amounted to approximately 111% of the total number of all serfs in Russia. Then, for quite a long time, the peasant question was practically not discussed. And only starting from 1816 this problem begins to be considered again. The landlords of the Estonian province (Estonia) appealed to the emperor with a request to abolish serfdom on their lands. Such a request was dictated by the peculiarities of the development of agriculture in the Baltic States, where commodity-money relations were widely developed, and serfdom hampered this process both because of the low productivity of serfs and the lack of free labor. In May 1816, Alexander I signed a regulation on the Estonian peasants, according to which they became personally free, but all the land remained in the ownership of the landowners. Therefore, they turned from serfs into tenants, which did not radically improve their situation. However, the very fact of the liberation of the peasants was of great importance and demonstrated certain changes in the tsarist government to resolve this issue. Similar reforms were carried out in other Baltic provinces: in Courland (August 1817) and in Livonia (March 1819). At the same time, Alexander I instructed several dignitaries to develop projects for the abolition of serfdom in Russia at once. All prepared projects for the liberation of the peasants remained unfulfilled. The liberation of the peasants took place only in the Baltic provinces. 10.5. Socio-economic policy and the collapse of reformist hopes The socio-economic policy of Alexander I, like other areas of his activity, was characterized by inconsistency, inconsistency and the absence of clearly defined guidelines. The only exceptions were the consistent support and expansion of the rights of the "third estate" - the merchants, as well as measures aimed at the development of industry. In December 1801, a decree was adopted allowing merchants to buy free land, that is, for the first time, non-nobles had the opportunity to acquire land not inhabited by peasants. In January 1807, a new decree "On the Granting of New Benefits to the Merchants" followed, according to which the rights of merchants of the 1st and 2nd guilds were expanded: for monetary contributions, they were exempted from recruitment duty, they were allowed to create joint-stock companies, have their own meetings, trade courts. In 1818, a law was adopted on the right of all state, appanage, landlord peasants and free cultivators to establish factories and plants. In the first quarter of the XIX century. in Russia, the number of factories and workers for them has increased. By 1825, there were 5 factories with 261 workers, of which 210 (568%) were freemen. Thus, in factory production, there was a tendency for the growth of civilian labor. The most difficult situation during the reign of Alexander I was in the financial sector. Political events in Europe, wars with France, Sweden, Turkey and Persia required constant expenditure of all Russia's resources. After the Peace of Tilsit in 1808, expenses far exceeded the revenues of the treasury. The deficit was covered by a new issue of banknotes, which further aggravated the situation. To overcome the crisis, a financial transformation plan was developed, prepared under the leadership of M.M. Speransky. It provided for a reduction in the issuance of paper money - banknotes, a transition to credit papers and linking them to the silver standard. The program was aimed at streamlining revenues and expenditures and, above all, at increasing taxes by two to three times. For the first time, a tax was introduced on the income of landlords from the land, which caused discontent among the nobles. These measures, introduced by a special manifesto of February 1, 1810, made it possible to stabilize the financial system of Russia and helped it survive during the Patriotic War of 1812. But this did not last long, soon the state's expenses again exceeded the income, financial and economic situation of the country at the end of the first quarter of the XNUMXth century. worsened. An important factor in the military and social policy of Alexander I was the establishment of military settlements, the main organizer of which was General A.A. Arakcheev (1769-1834). Their creation was based on the idea of transferring part of the army to self-sufficiency, which reduced the cost of the treasury for the maintenance of military units. A number of territories inhabited by state peasants were enrolled in military settlements. All men turned into soldiers and had to perform agricultural work and carry out military duties together with their families. In addition, it was believed that this would partially solve the problem of recruiting, since all children born in the settlements were determined to be soldiers and thus the army was replenished in a natural way. But the harsh barracks regime, military employment along with hard peasant labor, punishment for the slightest offense - all this made military settlements the worst form of serfdom. Military settlements were liquidated only in 1857, during the reign of Alexander II. The reign of Alexander I, on which many initially pinned great hopes, ended in extreme instability in the country. The emperor, who wanted to carry out reforms, but hesitated all the time in implementing them in practice, by his actions contributed to a sharp aggravation of political and socio-economic problems in Russia. And the performance of the Decembrists in 1825 was largely the result of the unrealized plans of the supreme power. 10.6. Foreign policy At the beginning of the XIX century. The main directions of Russia's foreign policy were Western (European) and Southern. The quintessence of European foreign policy was the struggle between Russia and France for leadership on the continent. The southern direction included relations with Iran (Persia) and Turkey (Ottoman Empire). In Europe, together with England, Sweden, Austria and Prussia (the composition of the countries changed), Russia took part in the anti-Napoleonic coalitions of 1805-1807. Despite the huge military and economic potential, the coalitions of powers were defeated. In the battle of Austerlitz in 1805, their troops suffered a serious defeat. And in 1807, Russian troops were defeated by Napoleon at Friedland. Alexander I was forced to start peace negotiations with the French emperor. In 1807, in Tilsit, France and Russia signed an agreement, according to which Russia undertook to join the continental blockade of England and break off political relations with her. The Treaty of Tilsit also provided for the creation of the Duchy of Warsaw under the protectorate of Napoleon from the Polish lands torn away from Prussia. Subsequently, they served as a springboard for an attack on Russia. The Treaty of Tilsit caused damage to the Russian economy due to the severance of traditional trade ties with England. Nevertheless, he gave Russia a temporary reprieve and allowed it to intensify its policy in the northwest and south. In 1808, Russia, adhering to the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit and an alliance with Napoleon, entered the war with Sweden, which refused to break off trade relations with England. In 1809 Sweden was defeated. Russia annexed Finland. The created Grand Duchy of Finland, headed by the Russian emperor, became part of Russia with broad internal autonomy. Tensions developed on the southern borders. Turkey did not want to recognize the conquest of the Black Sea coast by Russia and, first of all, the annexation of Crimea at the end of the XNUMXth century. The main tasks of Russia were as follows: to ensure the most favorable regime in the Black Sea straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles and to prevent foreign warships from entering the Black Sea. Russia actively used the right of patronage of the Balkan Christians, subjects of the Ottoman Empire, received by it under the Kyuchuk-Kaynardzhy (1774) and Yassky (1791) treaties. The contradictions between Russia and Turkey led in 1806 to a new war, which ended in 1812 with the victory of Russia. Under the terms of the Bucharest peace treaty signed in May 1812, Bessarabia and a significant section of the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus with the city of Sukhumi were ceded to Russia. Moldova, Wallachia and Serbia, remaining within the Ottoman Empire, received autonomy. In the Caucasus, where the interests of Russia, Turkey and Iran clashed, the Russian government also pursued an active policy. In 1801, Georgia voluntarily became part of the Russian Empire. The result of the Russian-Iranian war of 1804-1813. was the inclusion of the territories of Northern Azerbaijan and Dagestan into the Russian Empire. The first stage of the accession of the Caucasus to the Russian Empire was completed. 10.7. The Patriotic War of 1812 On the eve of 1812, relations with France became increasingly tense. Russia was not satisfied with the Peace of Tilsit, and from 1810 it actually did not observe the continental blockade. In addition, Alexander I did not want to recognize Napoleon's desire for absolute domination in Europe. In turn, the emperor of France did not want to reckon with Russia in his policy of conquest. All this led to serious contradictions between Russia and France, which escalated into hostilities, called in our history the Patriotic War of 1812. The active aspirations of the French emperor were opposed by Alexander I, who himself sought influence on European politics. Russia's violation of the continental blockade was one of the reasons for France's entry into the war. In June 1812, the French army was concentrated on the Russian border, the number of which reached 647 thousand people. 448 thousand soldiers crossed the border, and they took part in the hostilities on Russian territory from June to December 1812. The invading armies were opposed by Russian forces. The Russian army was not inferior to the French in terms of potential, its strength during the war reached 700 thousand. In terms of morale and patriotic enthusiasm, weapons and food supplies, and artillery power, the Russian army had an advantage. But in the initial period of the war, the first echelon of French troops that invaded Russia (448 thousand people) outnumbered the Russian armies (320 thousand people), covering the western borders. At that time, the Russian army was divided into three groups along the western borders: the 1st Army under the command of M.B. Barclay de Tolly was located in the Baltic States, the 2nd Army under the command of P.I. Bagration was in Belarus, the 3rd army of A.P. Tormasova held positions in Northern Ukraine. Napoleon's goal in this war, as is sometimes claimed, was not the conquest of Russia - he understood that this was impossible - but the defeat of the main Russian forces during a short campaign and the conclusion of a new, tougher than Tilsit treaty, obliging Russia to follow in the wake of the French politicians. Russia's strategic plan was different. She tried to avoid pitched battles, focusing on rearguard battles, and to drag the French inland. On June 12, 1812, French troops launched an invasion of Russia, crossing the Neman River. The Russian armies, covering the western border, fought rearguard battles and retreated into the interior of the country. The 1st and 2nd Russian armies united in the Smolensk region, where a bloody battle took place on August 4-6, 1812. Our warriors defended themselves with dignity, but in order to preserve the army, according to the general plan, they nevertheless left the city. This caused some discontent in the army and society. Therefore, on August 8, 1812, Alexander I appointed M.I. Kutuzov. On August 17, 1812, he arrived at the troops and began preparations for a general battle, the place for which was chosen 110 km from Moscow, near the village of Borodino. The Battle of Borodino took place on August 26, 1812. On the eve of the battle, the parties set themselves different strategic tasks: the Russians - not to let the invaders' army to Moscow, the French - to defeat the Russian army in the decisive battle, which they were looking for under the leadership of Napoleon from the beginning of the military campaign. All this manifested itself during the battle itself: Napoleon constantly attacked, hoping to knock the Russians out of their positions, and Kutuzov methodically defended himself, counterattacking. The Russians fought heroically, and despite the capture by the enemy of Bagration's flashes[6] and the Rayevsky battery, the French failed to break through the defenses of the Russian troops. The offensive impulse of the French army dried up and it failed to achieve a decisive advantage. Both sides suffered huge losses, the issue of which is controversial and is still being discussed in historical science: the number of losses ranges from 20 to 40 thousand for the French and from 30 to 50 thousand for the Russians. Historians argue: who won this "battle of the giants"? Obviously, no one has achieved the main goals. Napoleon did not defeat the Russian army and did not persuade Alexander to negotiate, Kutuzov did not defend Moscow. However, this in no way belittles the valor and courage shown by the Russian soldiers. Napoleon fought against many nations, but he called only the Russians invincible. After the Battle of Borodino, Russian troops began to retreat to Moscow. Kutuzov decides to leave Moscow in order to save the army. Russian troops, having arrived in the city, made the so-called Tarutino maneuver, setting up a military camp 80 km from Moscow on the Nara River near the village of Tarutino and thereby blocking the passage of the French to the south of the country. September 2, 1812 Napoleon entered Moscow. Having occupied devastated Moscow, the Napoleonic army could not avoid disaster. Breaking away from their rears and bases, Napoleon's army was doomed. The exits from Moscow were guarded by Kutuzov's troops, and they did not allow Napoleon to break through to the Kaluga road. In Moscow, the French army had serious difficulties: military discipline fell, robberies and looting intensified, there were interruptions in food and fodder provision. While in Moscow, Napoleon repeatedly turned to Alexander I with proposals for a peace, but was invariably refused. As a result, Napoleon was forced to give the order to leave the city. On October 11, 1812, Napoleon's main forces left Moscow and tried to break through to the southwest. But Kutuzov's army stood in their way. Napoleon was forced to return along the Smolensk road he had ruined. By the beginning of November, the retreat of the French army had turned into a disorderly rout. On December 3, 1812, the once "great army" of Napoleon left Russia. The war caused a patriotic upsurge in all strata of Russian society, including the serfs. In the rear of the Napoleonic army, a partisan movement was deployed, as well as a people's war - a militia of peasants and townspeople. On December 26, 1812, Alexander I issued a Manifesto on the end of the war, in which he declared gratitude to the Russian people for delivering the Fatherland from the enemy's invasion. The Patriotic War of 1812 played a significant role in the fate of Russia and was of great historical significance. The victory over the French was the first step in the liberation of Europe from Napoleonic rule. In 1813-1814. Russian troops entered the territory of Europe, where they continued to fight with the newly recreated Napoleonic army. The military initiative remained with Russia and its allies - Prussia and Austria. They won a number of victories over Napoleon and in January 1814 entered the territory of France. March 18, 1814 Allied troops entered Paris. Napoleon was dethroned and exiled to the island of Elba in the Mediterranean. The Bourbon monarchy is restored in France. The post-war reconstruction in Europe was consolidated by the decisions of the Congress of Vienna (September 1814 - June 1815). The Duchy of Warsaw was divided between Russia, Prussia and Austria. Most of it became part of the Russian Empire under the name of the Kingdom of Poland. To ensure the inviolability of the decisions of the congress, the monarchs of Russia, Prussia, and Austria created the Holy Alliance (September 14, 1815), which actively suppressed revolutionary outbursts, with Russia playing an important role. 10.8. Decembrist movement In the first decades of the XIX century. part of the representatives of the nobility begins to realize the destructiveness of autocracy and serfdom for the further development of the country. Among them, a system of views is being formed, the implementation of which should change the foundations of Russian life. The formation of the ideology of future noble revolutionaries was facilitated by the following: Russian reality with its inhuman serfdom, the lack of rights of the bulk of the population, the lack of representative power from among the elected from the estates and the constitution with the unlimited power of the emperor; the patriotic upsurge caused by the Patriotic War of 1812, and the participation of the Russian army in foreign campaigns of 1813-1814 ... The Russian recruit soldier defeated the strongest army in Europe, but this did not improve his life and the welfare of the whole country. And the contrast between Russian and European reality was so striking and painful that it could not help but make some of the Russian officers think about the fate of Russia; the influence of the humanistic ideas and views of the French enlighteners (Voltaire, Rousseau, C. Montesquieu), perceived by a significant part of the future Decembrists; the unwillingness of the government of Alexander I to consistently begin to reform the foundations of Russian society. At the same time, it should be noted that the worldview of those who are commonly called Decembrists was not unified and there were sharp disagreements between them. Among the Decembrists were both supporters of the revolutionary and violent reorganization of society, and adherents of evolutionary-moderate transformations in the country. But all of them were opposed to the autocratic-feudal regime in Russia and sought to participate in its change. Organizations of the future Decembrists arose among many different secret societies, which were rich in the political and secular life of Russia in the first decades of the 7th century. These societies included, first of all, some Masonic lodges,[1814] which included N. Muravyov, M. Lunin, S. Muravyov-Apostol, P. Pestel and other future oppositionists. There were also officer artels in the guards regiments that operated in 1816-XNUMX. In 1816, the first secret organization of the Decembrists, the Union of Salvation, or the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland, was formed in St. Petersburg. This organization included about 30 people, mostly officers. They considered the introduction of constitutional government and the abolition of serfdom to be their main goal, but the means of achieving it were still unclear, and there was also no program of political reforms. Disagreements between the members of the "Union of Salvation" led to its disintegration and the formation of a new "Union of Welfare" in January 1818. This organization consisted of 200 members and played an important role in the development of the organizational and program principles of Decembrism, set forth in the charter of the "Union", which was called the "Green Book". The main goals of the organization were: the formation of an advanced public opinion in the country, favorable in the future for the implementation of the transformative plans of the Decembrists; the introduction of a constitution and legally free representation, the abolition of slavery, the equality of citizens before the law, the elimination of military settlements. The "Union of Welfare" had several secret boards, which were located in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Poltava, Tulchin (in Ukraine). But the aggravation of contradictions between radical and moderate members of society led the Union of Welfare to a crisis. In January 1821, a decision was made in Moscow to dissolve it. In March 1821, the Southern Society was created (Ukraine, Tulchin), headed by P. Pestel, S. Volkonsky, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M.L. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, A.P. Yushnevsky. In 1822 in St. Petersburg, on the initiative of N.M. Muravyov and N.I. Turgenev, the Northern Society was organized. The basis of the activities of the Southern and Northern Societies was the development of programmatic constitutional projects for the future reorganization of Russia. In 1821-1825. such projects were created: in the Southern Society "Russian Truth" P.I. Pestel, in the Northern society - "Constitution" N.M. Muraviev. Project N.M. Muravyov was more moderate. Project P.I. Pestel was radical. Both documents assumed the elimination of the autocracy and the abolition of serfdom. "Constitution" N.M. Muravyova considered the future Russia as a constitutional monarchy with a federal structure, provided for the preservation of landownership, endowing the peasants with small plots of land. The Constituent Assembly was supposed to adopt the "Constitution". According to "Russian Truth" P.I. Pestel Russia was to become a republic with a unitary state system; the land was proposed to be divided into two parts: public and private. Peasants receive allotments from public land. Despite a number of programmatic and personal-subjective disagreements, members of the Southern and Northern societies were closely connected with each other. Both societies approved the date of the speech - the summer of 1826 during the general army exercises. But circumstances decreed otherwise. On November 19, 1825, Emperor Alexander I died unexpectedly in Taganrog. He had no children, and in accordance with the law on succession to the throne, his brother Konstantin was to become king. But he renounced the throne. There has been an interregnum. The oath to the incoming Nicholas, the younger brother of Alexander I, was scheduled for December 14, 1825. The Decembrists decided to take advantage of this to carry out a coup d'état. On the morning of December 14, several military units were brought to Senate Square in St. Petersburg. In total, about 3 thousand soldiers and sailors and 30 officers gathered on the square. The hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, St. Petersburg Governor-General M.A., rode up to the rebels on horseback. Miloradovich and began to persuade the soldiers to disperse. He was popular in the army and knew how to talk to the soldiers. Then the Decembrist P.G. Kakhovsky mortally wounded the general with a shot. But the plan of the uprising, worked out the day before, collapsed, elected dictator (leader) of the uprising S.P. Trubetskoy did not appear on the square. The Senate swore allegiance to the new emperor early in the morning, its members had already left and therefore there was simply no one to accept the "Manifesto to the Russian people", the plans to seize the Winter Palace and Nicholas I were also not realized. By 15 o'clock, the Decembrists elected E.P. Obolensky, but time was lost, the tsar pulled large forces to the square, and by 16 o’clock the rebels were shot from cannons. Then the arrests began. Two weeks later, an uprising took place in the south of the country (the performance of the Chernigov regiment), which also ended in failure. The tsar brutally cracked down on the Decembrists, a special commission of inquiry was created to identify the causes and circumstances of the anti-government speech. 121 people were brought to the Supreme Criminal Court, five of them were sentenced to death (P.I. Pestel, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, K.F. Ryleev, P.G. Kakhovsky ). Many were sentenced to various terms of hard labor, exile and settlements in Siberia. The soldiers who participated in the uprising were subjected to corporal punishment and were exiled to the Caucasus to the active army. The performance of the Decembrists was the first open attempt to change the system of government in Russia, to abolish serfdom and gain freedom. And therein lies their inestimable value. It was the Decembrists who openly declared the main negative phenomena of Russian reality, which allowed subsequent generations to achieve reforms in Russia on the basis of their ideas. The contribution of the Decembrists to the development of Russian culture is great. Their appearance and ideas had a huge impact on the work of writers, artists, and scientists. And they themselves had a significant impact on the spread of education and culture in Siberia. The Decembrists occupy a worthy place in the history of the Fatherland and serve as an example of selfless service to the Motherland and readiness to endure any hardships for the well-being of the country and its people. Topic 11. The reign of Nicholas I 11.1. Tightening domestic policy in the second third of the XNUMXth century Nicholas I (1825-1855) came to the throne in a political and socio-economic crisis. The Decembrist uprising, which was brutally suppressed, and the difficult situation in the state required Nicholas I to pursue a tough course of domestic policy aimed at strengthening autocratic power. At the same time, he perfectly understood that reforms in Russia were necessary, but he tried to carry them out slowly and conservatively. This was the essence of the king's policy. One of the main goals of the policy of Nicholas I was the strengthening of autocracy, the extension of the emperor's power to the widest possible sphere of state administration. To achieve this goal, first of all, the highest state institutions were reorganized. In accordance with the decrees of 1826, the role of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery in the matter of state administration, its legal support and the tightening of political investigation increased. The office was divided into departments according to areas of activity. The functions of the first department of the office included the daily preparation of papers for reports to the emperor. The duties of the II branch of the chancery consisted in legislative activity. His main task was the systematization and codification of laws. A special role in the structure of the office was assigned to the III department, which headed the political police of the country. One of the initiators of its creation and responsible for its activities was A.Kh. Benkendorf. The events of December 14, 1825 had a huge impact on the organization of the political police. The most innocent manifestation of public initiative seemed dangerous to Nicholas I, he fancied the specter of a revolutionary action. As a result, increased police control was established in the country. Military orders with strict discipline and responsibility became the ideal state administration, just as in his time for Peter I. Nicholas I sought to extend these principles to all spheres of society. Hence the militarization of government. The military began to manage purely civilian departments (forestry, mining), 41 out of 53 Russian provinces were headed by military governors. Nicholas I, realizing the undoubted value of education for the development of the country, firmly put it under his control, having a very specific goal - the creation of such a system of education and upbringing that would exclude the possibility of developing revolutionary sentiments and was necessarily aimed at forming loyal and protective views. The executor of this course was the Minister of Public Education, Count S.S. Uvarov. It was he who in 1834 created the theory of official nationality "Orthodoxy-autocracy-nationality", which became the ideological basis of the entire system of humanitarian education and upbringing in Russia in the XNUMXth century. During the reign of Nicholas I, the number of gymnasiums and district schools, the number of students in them, increased. But along with this, in 1835, a new university charter was adopted, significantly limiting their autonomy. According to the charter of 1804, universities were at the head of the administration of education in the province. According to the new charter, they were removed from the management of educational affairs in the middle and lower levels, the management of education was now entrusted to the trustees of educational districts, most of whom were generals with a military-conservative mindset. The Ministry received a broad opportunity to interfere in the activities of universities, the right to approve and appoint teachers, which meant the loss of their autonomous structure. The reactionary direction of the policy of Nicholas I manifested itself in other areas of cultural and spiritual life. So, in 1826, a new censorship charter was adopted, which was nicknamed "cast iron". It was forbidden to condemn the monarchical system, religious freethinking was not allowed, etc. In 1848, a special Censorship Committee was created to manage the censorship bodies, which strictly monitored the press and severely punished the slightest, most innocent, hints of freedom and deviations from the official course. The tsarist government dealt cruelly with schismatics and sectarians (Doukhobors, Molokans, etc.), who were considered elements harmful to society. Departure from the Orthodox faith began to be regarded as a criminal offense. Suppression of the Polish uprising of 1830-1831 allowed Nicholas I to destroy the elements of representation and constitutionalism in Poland. In 1832, the Kingdom of Poland was declared an "integral part" of the Russian Empire, and the Russian emperor automatically became the Polish king. The Parliament (Sejm) ceased to exist, the Polish army was disbanded. The administration of Poland was entrusted to the Administrative Council, which was headed by a governor appointed by the Russian tsar. To strengthen the autocracy, Nicholas I sought to consolidate its most important support - the nobility. According to the manifesto of 1831, property qualifications were increased for persons who had the right to participate in the election of representatives of the nobility for estate and administrative positions. From now on, only those who had 3 thousand acres of land or at least 100 souls of serfs within the province could take part directly in the elections. The nobles, who owned less property, could only elect authorized representatives, and those who had 5 souls or less than 150 acres of land were not allowed to vote at all. The regulations for conferring noble titles were also tightened (the qualification was raised from VIII to V class). In order to close the path to the ranks of the nobility for people from other classes (merchants, clergy) and those who have received an education, and at the same time to somehow encourage their most active part, in accordance with the law of 1832, a new estate is established - hereditary and personal honorary citizens. In 1845, the splitting of landowners' allotments during hereditary transfer was again prohibited. All these measures in the estate policy of Nicholas I were aimed at strengthening the positions of the richest, conservatively privileged part of the nobility. As a result of a very tough domestic policy, the emperor strengthened and stabilized the state system of Russia. At the same time, the autocracy had to rely on a solid legal basis, so Nicholas I attached great importance to the codification[8] of laws. In 1830, the commission of M.M. Speransky completed work on the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire in 45 volumes, which included all legislative acts issued from 1649 to 1825. The Code of Laws in 15 volumes, already adopted under Nicholas I, was published in 1839. For the first time in Russia, a gigantic systematization of law-making work was done, which raised the role of law in society and laid the foundations for future judicial and legal reform. The most successful transformations were carried out in the economic and financial sphere. An invaluable role in this was played by the conservative reformer E.F. Kankrin, who was the Minister of Finance of Russia from 1823 to 1844. He was a supporter of the patronage of domestic industry through protectionist customs duties. Kankrin actively contributed to the improvement of the organization of trade. He managed to replenish the treasury by introducing new taxes and fees. The crowning achievement of his extensive activity was the large-scale financial reform of 1839-1844. The monetary reform was aimed at strengthening the position of the Russian ruble and stabilizing the country's financial system. For the first time in Russia, the main payment monetary unit was a silver (Russian minted) monetary unit - the silver ruble. And government banknotes (paper money) became an auxiliary sign of value. Now all transactions of individuals and the treasury were to be concluded on a silver basis. The Treasury was obliged to exchange banknotes for silver. In general, the reform was successful, and the financial system operated steadily until the Crimean War. The main issue, of course, remained the peasant question. They were engaged in many secret committees created by decrees of the emperor in order to develop options for the gradual alleviation of the fate of the peasants with the prospect of abolishing serfdom in the future. But it was not possible to solve the main problem of Russian reality. Very soon, the secret committees stopped discussing the problems of the global abolition of serfdom, and considered issues of streamlining relations between peasants and landowners, improving the management of appanage and state peasants, which did not create a threat of discontent on the part of the landowners. In 1837-1841. under the direction of P.D. Kiselyov, a reform of the management of state peasants was carried out. Peasant self-government was introduced, the peasants elected officials of the rural administration (foremen, sotsky, tenth); the allotments of small-land peasants increased; taxation was streamlined; roads were built, the number of schools and medical centers increased, agricultural technology improved, etc. In 1842, a decree was issued "On Indebted Peasants", according to which the landlords could voluntarily provide the peasants with personal freedom, subject to the lease of land and clear duties. The decree had no serious practical consequences. In 1844, the landlords were given the right to release household peasants for a ransom. In the same way, yard owners of estates mortgaged in credit institutions could gain freedom. In 1847, the peasants were given the opportunity to redeem the land with their whole families in cases where the estates were sold at auction for debts. All indulgence regarding the position of the peasants ended in 1848, when powerful revolutionary events swept Europe and Nicholas I, under their influence, stopped all, even inconsistent, attempts at reforms in this direction. 11.2. Social movement 1830-1850s In the second third of the XIX century. in Russia, the main ideological currents began to take shape: conservatism, liberalism, revolutionary socialist radicalism. The reaction to the performance of the Decembrists was the growth of conservative sentiments in society. The ideologist of the ideological concept of the conservatives was the Minister of Education, Count S.S. Uvarov. In his theory of official nationality, there were three fundamental principles that distinguish Russia from the West: Orthodoxy as the basis of spiritual life and the church as the support of autocracy; autocracy as the basis of the life of Russian society and the only acceptable form of government for Russia; nationality as a spiritual unity of the people with the king. Historians N.M. were adherents of this theory. Karamzin and M.P. Pogodin, writers F.V. Bulgarin and M.N. Zagoskin and others. Despite the strengthening of the political reaction, the opposition to the existing regime still tried to resist it, which was manifested in the activities in the late 1820s - 1830s. circles of different composition and ideological orientation (the circle of the Kritsky brothers, the circle of N.V. Stankevich, the circle of A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev, etc.), discussing questions about the state of the country and its future; in the form of those that developed in the second half of the 1830s. liberal currents of Westernizers and Slavophiles; in the formation of the revolutionary socialist direction of social thought. Slavophilism arose as a kind of reaction to the spread among the Russian nobility of "blind imitation" of the West. Slavophiles (brothers P.V. and I.V. Kireevsky, I.S. and K.S. Aksakov, philosophers Yu.F. Samarin and A.S. Khomyakov, etc.) defended the idea of a great historical mission for Russia. They idealized patriarchal Russia and often belittled the progressive achievements of Western countries, believing that if Russia develops along their path, then it has no future. From this point of view, the Slavophiles negatively assessed the activities of Peter I. They considered Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality to be the fundamental principles of the social structure of Russia, while condemning autocratic despotism and considering Orthodoxy as a way of thinking of the people. Many reflections of the Slavophiles about patriotism, national traditions, moral criteria retain their relevance and significance even today. Unlike the Slavophiles, Westerners (historians T.N. Granovsky and S.M. Solovyov, writers P.V. Annenkov and I.S. Turgenev, lawyer K.D. Kavelin) highly valued the achievements of European countries and wanted Russia to develop precisely along their path, having overcome their backlog with the help of reforms. They believed that for this, serfdom must first be abolished and a constitutional state system established. These changes, in their opinion, will allow Russia to form "one common human family" together with the West. Despite the disagreements that had taken place, both Westerners and Slavophiles loved Russia and believed in it; both of them had a negative attitude towards serfdom and considered it necessary to gradually carry out reforms, the initiator of which was to be the supreme power. For their views, representatives of these areas of the liberal movement were persecuted by the government. The formation of Western and Slavophil ideologies was significantly influenced by P.Ya. Chaadaev, who was the first to sharply raise the question of the fate of Russia and its historical place. According to P.Ya. Chaadaeva, Russia is not the West and not the East. Russia is a whole special world. Subjecting the Russia of his time to the most severe criticism, he was a passionate patriot of his country and believed in its potential strength. Criticism of serfdom, tsarism, the theory of official nationality was reflected in the Philosophical Letter, published in 1836, for which P.Ya. Chaadaev was declared insane and placed under police supervision. The revolutionary democrats (A.I. Herzen, N.P. Ogarev, V.G. Belinsky) shared some of the ideas of the Westerners, but in general opposed the bourgeois-liberal ideology. They developed the ideas of utopian socialism and, unlike the Decembrists, sought not to organize a military conspiracy, but to a people's revolution. A.I. Herzen formulated the theory of communal socialism, according to which Russia would be able to pass to it through the peasant community - a ready-made cell of socialist society. As the main conditions for building a socialist society in Russia, he considered the abolition of serfdom and the elimination of autocracy. In the 1840s with criticism of Russian reality and a program for the revolutionary transformation of the country, the popular literary critic V.G. Belinsky, who saw its revival "in the successes of civilization, enlightenment, humanity, the awakening in the Russian people of self-esteem, rights and laws, consistent with common sense and justice, the need for guarantees for the individual, honor and property." A prominent role in the revolutionary movement in the 40s. 1849th century played circle M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. The members of this circle, among whom were the writers M.E. Saltykov, F.M. Dostoevsky, pianist A.G. Rubinshtein and others, were fond of the ideas of A. Saint-Simon, C. Fourier, as well as the Decembrists, V.G. Belinsky and A.I. Herzen. The Petrashevites advocated the need to abolish landownership and free transfer of land to the peasants. Like other representatives of the revolutionary-democratic movement, they considered revolution, and not reform "from above," as an expedient way of socialist reorganization. The Petrashevites advocated democracy, the establishment of republican government, political freedoms, and the elimination of national oppression. In 21 the circle was crushed; XNUMX participants were sentenced to death, then replaced by hard labor. Thus, disappointed in the possibility of cooperation between the authorities and society, the opposition-minded representatives of the Russian intelligentsia embarked on the path of struggle for the revolutionary-radical development of Russia. 11.3. Main Directions of Foreign Policy The main directions of the foreign policy of Nicholas I were the fight against the revolutionary and national liberation movements in Europe, the expansion of the geopolitical space in the Caucasus and participation in resolving the Eastern question. In 1831, Russian troops brutally suppressed the uprising in Poland, she lost the constitution received in 1815 under Alexander I. The overthrow of the monarchy in 1848 in France led to the suspension of diplomatic relations between Russia and France. Nicholas I feared the spread of the revolutionary movement in Europe, so he moved a huge army to the western borders, and then, at the request of the Austrian government, sent an army of 140 to suppress the Hungarian revolution in 1849. The contradictions between Russia and Iran over Transcaucasia resulted in the Russo-Iranian War of 1826-1828. Under the Turkmenchay peace treaty, Russia annexed Eastern Armenia; the exclusive right of Russia to have a navy in the Caspian Sea was recognized. The aggravation of the Eastern question led to another Russian-Turkish war of 1828-1829. According to the Adrianople peace treaty, the mouth of the Danube and the eastern coast of the Black Sea were assigned to Russia; open Black Sea straits for Russian ships; recognized the autonomy of Greece, Serbia, Moldavia and Wallachia. Caucasian War 1817-1864 The annexation of the Caucasus to Russia, which lasted almost 50 years, was very difficult. The Caucasian War began under Alexander I, was actively waged under Nicholas I, and ended only under the reign of Alexander II. In this war, there was a clash of two essentially different cultures, traditions, ways of life. Military operations were of a specific nature: the capture of fortified points, which were almost every mountain village; repelling the highlanders' attack on Russian forts; campaigns deep into enemy territory; the struggle for communications, etc. Combat clashes were accompanied even by construction work and the preparation of firewood. The victory in the war was given to Russia at a high price - at least 77 thousand people, both military personnel and civilians, died. This was due to the almost continuous course of hostilities in the extremely difficult conditions of the Caucasus, and individual serious miscalculations by the Russian command. No one considered the losses of the highlanders. The tsarist government considered the conquered Caucasus as its outpost in the East, limiting Turkish, Iranian and British influence there. However, the civilizing and reconciling role of Russia in this region should be emphasized, even taking into account mistakes and excesses. Eastern (Crimean War 1853-1856). One of the tasks of Russia's foreign policy under Nicholas I was to resolve the Eastern question, that is, to achieve dominance in the Black Sea, in the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and in the Balkans, which made a clash with Turkey inevitable. The European powers were also interested in the war, as well as Turkey, England and France sought to deprive Russia of the leading role that it began to play in Europe after the defeat of the Napoleonic empire. The subject of Turkey's interests was the Caucasus. The reason for the start of the war was the question of the so-called "Palestinian shrines." The dispute between Russia and France over the rights of Catholics and Orthodox in Jerusalem escalated into a conflict between Nicholas I and the Turkish Sultan, who, at the request of France, took away the keys to the Bethlehem Church from the Orthodox clergy. But the demand of Nicholas I for guarantees of respect and protection of the interests of the Orthodox population of Turkey, the Sultan, relying on the support of England and France, refused. Then Nicholas I ordered the troops to occupy the Danubian principalities - Moldavia and Wallachia, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. On October 4, 1853, Turkey declared war on Russia. And in February 1854, England and France took the side of Turkey; Austria was on the verge of entering the war. The war, which Russia started only against Turkey, turned into a battle with the strongest European states. At the first stage of the war (October 1853 - April 1854) the Turkish army was defeated in the Balkans and Transcaucasia. On November 18, 1853, the Russian Black Sea squadron under the command of P.S. Nakhimova defeated the Turkish fleet in Sinop Bay without losing a single ship and destroying 15 enemy ships. At the second stage of the war (April 1854 - February 1856), England and France officially declared war on Russia and began active, albeit unsuccessful, operations in the Black, Baltic, White, Barents Seas and in the Pacific Ocean. Nicholas I was afraid of Austria entering the war and ordered the withdrawal of troops from the territory of the Danubian principalities, which were immediately occupied by the Austrian army. In September 1854, the Allies landed troops in the Crimea near Evpatoria, their goal was to capture Sevastopol, the main Russian naval base on the Black Sea. In order to block the enemy fleet from entering the Sevastopol Bay, the Russian sailing fleet was flooded. On September 13, 1854, the heroic defense of Sevastopol began, which lasted 11 months. The fortress was surrounded by fortifications erected under the guidance of military engineer E.I. Totleben. The defense of the city was headed by Vice Admiral V.A. Kornilov, Rear Admiral V.I. Istomin, Admiral P.S. Nakhimov (all of them died during the siege). Despite the significant superiority in forces, the enemy managed to occupy Sevastopol only after almost a year of siege - on August 30, 1855, with huge losses. With the fall of Sevastopol, the activity of hostilities dropped sharply. Despite the defeat, the medal "For the Defense of Sevastopol" was established for the first time in the history of Russia in memory of the defense of Sevastopol. The famous surgeon N.I. participated in the Crimean War. Pirogov, who used anesthesia in military field conditions, as well as the first detachment of sisters of mercy in Russian military history. Despite some successes of the Russian ground forces in the Caucasus (the capture of the fortress of Kars), the allies managed to fulfill their main task - to undermine the military power of Russia in the Black Sea. In 1854-1855. the Anglo-French fleet from naval artillery shelled Russian territories on the Aland Islands in the Baltic, the Solovetsky Monastery in the White Sea and Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky. Russia as a whole was able to withstand the military onslaught of the countries united against it. In February 1855 Nicholas I died; hostilities gradually ceased. Russia agreed to the signing of a peace treaty with France, Austria, England, Prussia, Sardinia and Turkey, which took place in Paris in March 1856. The country emerged from the war with minimal damage. In exchange for the Turkish fortress Kars, Russia was abandoned by the allies of Sevastopol; the independence of the Ottoman Empire and its integrity were guaranteed by all states; securing the traditional rights of the Orthodox Church in the Holy Land. The most difficult thing for the Russian state was the declaration of the Black Sea "neutral", that is, Russia and Turkey were deprived of the right to have a navy here, and military fortresses on the coast. The defeat of Russia, due to its economic, political, social and military backwardness, once again confirmed the need for fundamental reforms in the country. Topic 12. Russia in the second half of the XIX century. Great reforms of Alexander II 12.1. The abolition of serfdom: causes, preparation, main provisions The need for reforms in the country, the main of which was the abolition of serfdom, became especially obvious for all sectors of Russian society during the Crimean War, which ended in defeat for Russia. The country faced a dilemma: either the empire was losing its status as a European power, or it was hastily carrying out reforms and catching up with rivals. Emperor Alexander II (1855-1881) in this situation came to an understanding of the need for urgent changes in the country. Innovations appeared in domestic policy, expressed primarily in the lifting of many prohibitions of the previous period of reign: the free issuance (of course, to the wealthy strata) of foreign passports was allowed; weakened censorship; military settlements were liquidated; an amnesty for political affairs was held, as a result of which the Decembrists, Petrashevists, participants in the Polish uprising of 1830-1831 were released. Notes and works concerning the most burning issues began to appear and vigorously discussed in society. The "Note on the Liberation of the Peasants in Russia" by K.D. had a great influence on the formation of public opinion and the views of the tsar. Kavelin,[9] in which he noted the perniciousness of serfdom in economic, political and moral terms. In 1856, the well-known Slavophil Yu.F. Samarin (1819-1876), who preached the abolition of serfdom from the standpoint of the need to preserve and strengthen the peasant community. Many provisions of this project were subsequently reflected in the documents of the peasant reform. Supporters of the liberation of the peasants were also some members of the imperial family. There are different points of view regarding the reasons that forced the supreme power to abolish serfdom. Most domestic historians believe that the main role in this was played by the economic exhaustion of serfdom: the disinterest of the peasants in the result of their labor, the tightening of exploitation on landlord estates, contributing to a noticeable degradation of agriculture. The economic crisis, the plight of the peasants led, according to researchers, to a significant increase in social tension at the turn of 1850-1860. It was expressed in the rise of the peasant movement and protests from radical public figures - N.G. Chernyshevsky, N.A. Dobrolyubov and others. By the middle of the XIX century. the crisis of the nobility as an estate and the landlord economy as a form of agricultural production became obvious. By this time, 3,5% of the nobles were dispossessed, 39,5% had less than 20 serfs, and 66% of the serfs were mortgaged into banks by landowners. There is another point of view, according to which in the middle of the XIX century. serfdom was still far from having exhausted its possibilities, while anti-government demonstrations were extremely inactive. According to supporters of this point of view, the peasant reform was due to foreign policy factors, that is, the need to maintain the status of Russia as a powerful state. Alexander II, in preparing the peasant reform, relied on the bureaucracy, the state apparatus subject to and obedient to him. In the 1830-1850s. a certain layer of progressive, state-minded people began to take shape among the bureaucracy. They were united by the unity of views on the program of the forthcoming reforms. Scholars have called this group the liberal bureaucracy. The patron of the liberal bureaucracy was the tsar's brother, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich, and their most prominent representatives were the official of the Ministry of Internal Affairs N.A. Milyutin, his brother General D.A. Milyutin, General Ya.I. Rostovtsev, V.I. Dahl, Ya.I. Solovyov and others. In the opinion of liberal bureaucrats, in order to strengthen the position of state power, it was necessary to free the peasants, create a strong peasant economy, and provide certain freedom to social forces. They also advocated the democratization of the state while retaining the monarchy. In January 1857, a Secret Committee on Peasant Affairs was created, which included the highest dignitaries of the state and which, for a year, considered draft peasant reforms developed during the previous reigns. In February 1858, the Secret Committee was transformed into the Main Committee for Peasant Affairs. A public discussion of the abolition of serfdom was introduced. Similar committees were created in 46 provinces. As a result of heated discussions, the struggle of various noble groups, and the strengthening of the social movement in the autumn of 1858, a turning point occurred in the course of pre-reform work. The government and the Main Committee on Peasant Affairs determined the comprehensive principles on which the reform was to be built: the release of peasants with a field plot for ransom, the destruction of the patrimonial power of the landlords, and the introduction of civil rights to the peasantry. In order to generalize the projects of the provincial committees of the nobility, as well as to develop the main legal documents regulating the implementation of the peasant reform, in February 1859 Alexander II created editorial commissions under the Main Committee on Peasant Affairs. They were headed by Ya.I. Rostovtsev, and the main organizer of the practical work was N.A. Milyutin. The editorial commissions worked very intensively for about two years and held 409 meetings. They prepared legislative acts of reform. After the closing of the editorial commissions, the codified drafts of the peasant reform were submitted for discussion, first to the Main Committee on Peasant Affairs, and then to the State Council (October 1860 - February 1861). Opponents of the reform tried to slow it down, but Alexander II showed firmness. In total, not counting the tsar's manifesto of February 19, 1861, Alexander II approved 17 legal documents that had the force of law and were aimed at regulating social relations after the abolition of serfdom in Russia. After the promulgation of the manifesto on the emancipation of the peasants on March 5, 1861, the main legal provisions came into force, according to which the peasants received personal freedom, that is, they ceased to be the property of the landowner and received certain civil rights: to independently conclude transactions; engage in crafts at your own discretion; move to other classes; enter the service; acquire movable and immovable property, etc. For the new land arrangement of the peasants, it was decided to create rural communities based on the community. The community resolved the issues of distribution and exploitation of the land fund. All issues were discussed and resolved at a village meeting, which united the peasants of each landowner's estate. Organizational and economic issues were decided and coordinated by the village headman, who was elected for three years. Several rural societies formed a volost, which was headed by a volost foreman who performed police and administrative functions. The peasants were liberated with land. The size of the land allotment was determined on the basis of a voluntary agreement between the landowner and the peasant, with the participation of a conciliator and the village headman, and depended on the region of Russia (chernozem, non-chernozem, steppe provinces). If the peasants used a larger amount of land than provided for in the Regulations of February 19, 1861, then part of the surplus, which was called segments, was taken away in favor of the landowners. The land was given to the peasants for ransom. They had to pay the landlord a lump sum of 20% of the cost of the allotment, and the rest was paid by the state, but with the return of this amount to him within 49 years with interest. The size of the redemption payments, depending on the region of Russia, was different, but was calculated based on the amount of the cash quitrent paid by the peasant to the landowner. Before the conclusion of the redemption transaction, all peasants, as well as those who could not pay 20% of the cost of the allotment, were considered temporarily liable and had to fully fulfill their previous duties - corvée and dues, although they were personally free. To implement the peasant reform, a special institute of peace mediators was established, who were appointed by the Senate from local nobles to draw up charters that determined the specific conditions for the release of each peasant family. They also dealt with land disputes between landowners and peasants. The reform was based on the principle of gradualness, that is, within two years it was necessary to draw up charter letters, for nine years the peasant could not give up his land allotment and leave the community. The peasant reform embraced the specific and state villages. The appanage peasants (that is, those who belonged to the imperial family) received their freedom as early as 1858. Their land arrangement, duties and redemption were determined in 1863 on the basis of the general provisions of the reform to abolish serfdom by a special royal decree. For the state peasants, the new land arrangement was fixed by the law of 1866. They continued to use the former allotments, and were transferred to redemption payments only in 1886. 12.2. Reforms of 1860-1870s The peasant reform led to reforms in other spheres of society. An important event was the implementation of the Zemstvo reform on January 1, 1864. Local self-government bodies were created in counties and provinces, which dealt with issues of improvement, education, health care, social care, insurance, care for local trade and industry. Elections to zemstvos were held once every three years by curia, that is, in accordance with a certain property qualification. Citizens were divided into three categories: rural communities (peasants); townspeople; all other landowners (mainly the nobility). Those chosen by curia were called zemstvo vowels, they met once a year at provincial and district meetings, where they elected their executive bodies (zemstvo councils) and solved the main problems in accordance with their own terms of reference. The financial support of zemstvo institutions was local fees, appointed by the zemstvos themselves. On June 16, 1870, a new City Regulation was approved, according to which all-estate bodies of urban public self-government were created everywhere with broad powers to improve cities and develop their economy, as well as provide other city needs. The institutions of city self-government were: city electoral meetings, city duma, city government. The most radical and consistent was the judicial reform, carried out by introducing new judicial charters into the legal sphere, approved on November 20, 1864. According to these regulations, the most advanced principles of organizing legal proceedings and conducting trials were fixed at that time. These included: the non-estate nature of the court and the equality of all citizens before the law; the separation of the judiciary from the administrative and the proclamation of the irremovability of judges; publicity and competitiveness of legal proceedings; the introduction of new legal institutions: jurors to consider complex criminal cases and issue a verdict (guilty or not guilty); sworn (private) attorneys - lawyers who provided legal advice and protection to the parties; reduction in the number of courts and simplification of the judicial system. In accordance with the reform, the judicial system of Russia began to have five instances: 1) the world court, 2) the congress of justices of the peace, 3) the district court, 4) the judicial chamber, 5) the Senate. The judicial reform of 1864 was a serious step for Russia on the way to the formation of civil society and the rule of law. Many components of this reform have found their application in the modern judicial system of the Russian Federation. The preparation and implementation of the military reform (1861-1874) in Russia was carried out by D.A. Milyutin, who became Minister of War in 1861. He began by facilitating the service of soldiers, achieving in 1863 a reduction in its term to 15 years, the abolition of corporal punishment, the introduction of literacy training for soldiers, and a ban on returning to soldiers for crimes. The whole complex of military reforms included the following: reduction in the size of the army; the establishment of a system of military districts, that is, the decentralization of military command in the country; the abolition of the recruiting system for recruiting the army and the introduction of universal military service (since January 1, 1874). The new charter on military service introduced the same conditions for service in the army for all estates. The network of military educational institutions for the training of officers was expanding: in 1862-1864. military gymnasiums and cadet schools were established. The army was re-equipped. Military transformations made the Russian army more capable, liberated and were aimed at eliminating class restrictions. No wonder this reform is called one of the most humane reforms of the 60-70s. XNUMXth century An important place among the "great" reforms was occupied by the reform of the public education system. In the 1860-1870s. there was a turn towards the development and formation of women's education. In 1860, the Regulations on women's schools were adopted, which could be created in all provincial cities and were analogues of men's gymnasiums. It was much more difficult for women to receive higher education, since they were not allowed to enter universities, therefore, under the control of the Ministry of Public Education, it was allowed to create higher university-type courses for women. Serious changes have taken place in the system of primary and secondary male education. New documents were adopted: the Regulations on Primary Public Schools (July 14, 1864) and the Charter of Gymnasiums and Progymnasiums (November 19, 1864). Thus, the state-church monopoly on education and educational institutions lost its power. Now, with the appropriate permission of the bodies of the Ministry of Public Education, zemstvos, public organizations, as well as private individuals could create educational institutions. These documents also laid the foundations for dividing secondary schools into classical (humanitarian) and real (technical) schools. Changes have also taken place in the system of higher education. So, on June 18, 1863, a new university charter was approved, which gave higher educational institutions significant autonomy. Significant attention in this document was given to the elective principle: all vacancies were filled through elections, including professorships. Democratic traditions emanating from the university environment have become an important factor in the social life of Russia. 12.3. social movements The reforms carried out in Russia in the 1860s-1870s, despite their significance, were limited and contradictory, which contributed to the intensification of the ideological and political struggle and led to the final formation of three directions in the social movement: revolutionary, liberal, conservative. Supporters of conservatism[10] stood guard over the autocracy, advocated the curtailment of reforms and the implementation of counter-reforms, the preservation of landownership. The ideologists of the conservatives were K.P. Pobedonostsev, D.A. Tolstoy, M.N. Katkov, V.P. Meshchersky and others. The bureaucratic and bureaucratic state apparatus, the church, and a significant part of the periodical press were considered the stronghold and at the same time the sphere of the spread of conservatism. Conservative traditionalism was recognized as the official ideology of Russia until 1917. Liberalism (translated from Latin - free) as a socio-political movement arose primarily among the intelligentsia, which advocated the introduction of constitutional principles into the political and legal system, democratic freedoms and the continuation of reforms. The liberals were opponents of the revolution and defended the evolutionary path of the country's development, so they were ready for cooperation and compromises with the autocracy. The ideological substantiation of Russian liberalism is contained in the works of K.D. Kavelina, B.N. Chicherina and others. The influential magazine Vestnik Evropy, which was directed by M.M. Stasyulevich. Representatives of Slavophile liberalism grouped around the journal Russkaya Beseda, headed by A.I. Koshelev. At the end of the 1870s. zemstvo liberals (I.I. Petrunkevich and S.A. Muromtsev) put forward the idea of establishing a zemstvo representation in Russia under the supreme power. To a large extent, this was due to the fact that at the end of the reign of Alexander II, key positions in the executive branch were occupied by M.T. Loris-Melikov.[11] The basis of the program of his activities was the idea of cooperation with the liberal circles of society, their transfer from the opposition to the camp of allies in the fight against the revolutionary movement. January 28, 1881 M.T. Loris-Melikov submitted a report to the emperor, the essence of which was the establishment of preparatory commissions with the involvement of representatives of the zemstvo bodies in them. The commissions had to discuss bills and express their opinion until they were submitted to the State Council. Alexander II basically approved this project, but on March 1, 1881, as a result of a terrorist act, he was killed by the Narodnaya Volya. Alexander III, who ascended the throne, and his reactionary entourage rejected the proposal of M.T. Loris-Melikov, who soon retired. The most active in the social movement were representatives of the revolutionary direction, who sought to radically reorganize society, mainly by force. The ideological basis for this was the theory of a special, non-capitalist development of Russia through communal socialism, the ideologists of which were A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky. These theoretical views influenced the formation of a new radical trend - populism. Ways to achieve a new just society were formulated by other ideologues of revolutionary populism, who laid the foundations of three ideological currents: - rebellious (anarchist). Its ideologist M.A. Bakunin (1814-1876) believed that the Russian peasant is a rebel by nature and therefore he must be raised to a revolution that should destroy the state and create in its place a federation of self-governing communities and associations; - propaganda. Its founder P.L. Lavrov (1823-1900) argued that the people were not ready for a revolution, therefore he paid the main attention to the long-term propaganda of socialist ideas and believed that the advanced part of the Russian intelligentsia should "wake up" the peasantry; - conspiratorial. The theorist of this trend P.N. Tkachev (1844-1885), in his views on a possible revolution in Russia, emphasized a conspiracy to stage a coup by professional revolutionaries. The seizure of power, in his opinion, should quickly draw the people into socialist reconstruction. For many years of the second half of the XNUMXth - early XNUMXth centuries. the utopian theory of populist socialism became the theoretical and programmatic basis for many radical revolutionary movements and political parties. Revolutionary radicalism largely stemmed from the peculiarities of the socio-economic and political development of the country (limited reforms, autocracy, police arbitrariness, lack of political freedoms, communal-collectivist way of life for the majority of the population). The absence of civil society contributed to the fact that only secret organizations could arise in Russia. From 1861 to the mid-1870s. there was a formation of populist ideology and the creation of secret revolutionary circles. This process was due to dissatisfaction with the peasant reform of 1861. The first secret organization was "Land and Freedom" (1861-1864), the founders and leaders of which were N.A. and A.A. Serno-Solov'evichi, N.A. Sleptsov, N.N. Obruchev, N.I. Utin and others. They kept in touch with the editorial office of the newspaper A.I. Herzen and N.I. Ogarev "Bell", with a committee of Russian officers in Poland, created a number of local organizations in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kazan, issued revolutionary proclamations. In 1864, Land and Freedom decided to dissolve itself. Since the mid 1860s. other secret circles began to appear. In 1863-1866. the circle of N.A. Ishutin and I.A. Khudyakov, whose member D. Karakozov in April 1866 made an attempt on Alexander II. The secret organization "People's Reprisal" (1869-1871) was created by S.G. Nechaev, who used provocative methods in his revolutionary activities, which led to the murder of student I. Ivanov, who was suspected of betrayal. A large populist organization was considered a circle called "Chaikovites" (leaders M.A. Natanson, N.V. Tchaikovsky, S.L. Perovskaya and others), whose representatives initiated the "going to the people". The active struggle of the populists against the autocratic system began in the mid-1870s. In 1874-1876. on the basis of the ideas of populist theorists, many young raznochintsy organized "going to the people" with the aim of enlightening and propagating revolutionary ideas. But it ended in failure: the peasants did not understand their noble impulses. In 1876, a new secret organization "Land and Freedom" was formed. Its program provided for the overthrow of the autocracy in a revolutionary way, the transfer of all land to the peasants and the introduction of local self-government. The organization was headed by G.V. Plekhanov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.M. Kravchinsky, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner and others. With the participation of "Earth and Freedom" in 1876 in St. Petersburg on the square in front of the Kazan Cathedral, the first political demonstration in Russia was held, where G.V. Plekhanov. In 1877, many landowners undertook a second "going to the people." They settled in the villages for a longer period as artisans, doctors, teachers. But their propaganda also did not give the desired results. Part of the Narodniks began to lean towards the terrorist struggle. IN AND. Zasulich in May 1878 made an attempt on the life of the St. Petersburg mayor F.F. Trepova, and S.M. Kravchinsky in August of the same year killed the chief of gendarmes N.V. Mezentsev. Within the "Earth and freedom" two directions were determined. Representatives of the first direction ("politics"), disillusioned with propaganda, advocated the use of terror as the main method of struggle, and representatives of the second ("village workers") - for the continuation of work in the countryside. In August 1879, at the congress of "Land and Liberty", there was a split into two independent organizations: "Black Redistribution" (1879-1881), whose leaders were G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deutsch, P.B. Axelrod, who continued to stand on the platform of peaceful propaganda of populist ideas in the countryside; "Narodnaya Volya" (1879-1881), headed by A.I. Zhelyabov, S.L. Perovskaya, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner and others. Its members, disappointed in the revolutionary possibilities of the peasantry, relied on the fight against the tsarist government with the help of terror, trying to create a political crisis in the country. Members of the "Narodnaya Volya" organized several assassination attempts on Emperor Alexander II. On March 1, 1881, the tsar died from a bomb explosion on the embankment of the Catherine Canal in St. Petersburg. The long struggle waged by the "Narodnaya Volya" ended in regicide, but there was no revolutionary explosion. The people remained inert, police repression intensified, and the overwhelming majority of the revolutionary Narodniks were crushed. 12.4. Socio-economic development of the country in the post-reform period The reforms created the basis for the development of capitalist relations in Russia. In the second half of the XIX century. Russian industry experienced rapid growth. In the 1880s completed the industrial revolution in Russia. In the post-reform years, the volume of industrial production increased almost sevenfold. The number of factories and plants increased from 3 to 9. The construction of railways proceeded at a rapid pace. If by 1861 their length was 2 thousand km, then by the beginning of the 1880s. - over 22 thousand km. Foreign capital was intensively attracted to the economy, mainly French, English, Belgian, and German. Investments went mainly to the mining, engineering and chemical industries. Domestic capital dominated in the light and food industries. Most of the country's industrial potential was concentrated in five regions: in the central and northwestern part of Russia, in the Urals, in the Donbass and Baku. In the rest of the territories, agricultural and handicraft production prevailed. The leading sector of the economy continued to be agriculture, which was dominated by an extensive development path. The abolition of serfdom gave impetus to the formation of capitalist relations in the countryside and led to an increase in marketability in the agricultural sector. Significantly increased - by 44% - for 10 years (by 1870) the export of bread abroad. But feudal vestiges have also survived, hindering the development of the Russian countryside. In the agrarian evolution of post-reform Russia, two development paths coexisted: - the first - the preservation of large landlord farms and their slow involvement in market relations (the Prussian path of development). This path is most widespread in the provinces of Central Russia; - the second is the involvement of peasants and part of the landowners in farming and entrepreneurship (the American way of development). This path prevailed in Siberia, the steppe regions of the Trans-Volga region, the Caucasus and the North of Russia. Serious changes in the post-reform period took place in the social structure of Russian society. The main feature in this area was the contradiction between the class and social structure, their mismatch. The estate was a relic of the feudal system of relations and gradually became obsolete. For example, not all nobles were landowners, some of them received their livelihood in the civil service. New classes of the developing capitalist society were emerging: the bourgeoisie and the workers (the proletariat). They were formed not on a legal, but on an economic basis. Their appearance was not foreseen by the estate hierarchy, therefore the composition of these classes consisted of representatives of different estates. The bourgeois class was replenished with nobles, peasants, and foreigners. The class of workers was formed primarily from poor peasants who went to work in the city. The burghers (townspeople) also often became hired workers. At the same time, it should be noted that, unlike the West European, the Russian bourgeoisie was still economically and politically weak and dependent on the ruling power. 12.5. Foreign policy Under Alexander II, foreign policy had several goals that were successfully implemented by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, headed since 1856 by the brilliant diplomat A.M. Gorchakov (1798-1883). Firstly, the restoration of Russia's international prestige and the status of a great power after the defeat in the Crimean War, as well as the abolition of the articles of the Paris Peace Treaty, humiliating for the country, which prohibits having a fleet and military fortifications on the Black Sea. Secondly, the preservation of Russian influence in the Balkans and support for the national liberation movement of the Slavic peoples against Turkey. Thirdly, the expansion of Russian territory and the annexation of Central Asia. Fourth, the normalization of relations with China and Japan, as well as the sale of the Alaska Peninsula by Russia to the United States. European policy of Russia. In 1870-1871, taking advantage of the situation in Europe, primarily the intensification of contradictions between the main European powers, the conduct of the Franco-Prussian war, Russia declared itself not bound by an obligation forbidding it to keep a navy on the Black Sea. This was confirmed in March 1871 by the London International Conference, which became a major diplomatic success for Russia. During this period, Russia moved closer to Germany and Austria-Hungary. As a result, in 1873 the Union of the Three Emperors arose, which lasted until 1878. For Russia, this alliance meant the restoration of its influence on European politics. Eastern Crisis. Russian-Turkish war 1877-1878 In the 1870s the eastern question escalated again. By that time, Russia had strengthened its international positions and felt very confident, so it actively supported the national liberation struggle of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula against the Ottoman Empire. In Russia itself, a powerful political movement arose - pan-Slavism, which called for the unification of the Slavic peoples under the leadership of the Russian state. Slavic committees were formed throughout the country, advocating all-round (including military) assistance to the Slavic brothers. Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary repeatedly appealed to Turkey with demands for reforms that would establish equal rights for the Slavic population, but the Turkish government rejected them. Under these conditions, in order not to lose his influence in the Balkans, as well as under the enormous influence of the Russian public inside the country, Alexander II decided on April 12, 1877 to declare war on Turkey. The fighting began to unfold in the Balkans and Transcaucasia. The Russian army entered the territory of Bulgaria, where the main battles with the Turkish army unfolded. The Russian army captured the strategically important Shipka Pass and fought heroically near Plevna. After the implementation of competent siege measures developed by the famous fortifier E.I. Totleben, the fortress was cut off from the outside world and surrendered in November 1877. At the same time, hostilities developed successfully for Russia on the Transcaucasian front. Such important fortresses as Ardagan and Kars were occupied here. The war came to a turning point in favor of Russia. Under the threat of complete defeat, Turkey offered to hold peace negotiations, as a result of which, on February 19, 1878, the Treaty of San Stefano was concluded. Its main result was the proclamation of the independence of Serbia, Montenegro, Romania, and the autonomy of Bulgaria. Russia received a number of fortresses in the Caucasus (Ardagan, Kars, Batum, Bayazet) and returned the territories of Southern Bessarabia lost during the defeat in the Crimean War. The San Stefano peace treaty did not suit the European countries, and the tsarist government, under their pressure, was forced to submit some of its articles for discussion by the international congress. On July 1, 1878, the Treaty of Berlin was signed, which differed from the Treaty of San Stefano. Bulgaria was divided into two parts: northern and southern. The first was granted autonomy, and the second again became a Turkish province. Austria-Hungary received the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina. The victory in the Russian-Turkish war was the country's biggest military success in the second half of the XNUMXth century. and strengthened Russia's influence in the Balkans and in the world. Accession to Russia of Central Asia. In the second half of the XIX century. expansion and active penetration of Russia into Central Asia began. In the 1850-1860s. there was the assertion of Russia in Kazakhstan. In 1865, Russian troops captured Tashkent. Here, in 1867, the Turkestan governor-general was formed, which became the center of the Russian presence in Central Asia. Bukhara and Khiva fell into vassal dependence on Russia. The Kokand Khanate, which was defeated by the troops of General M.D. Skobelev, capitulated and in 1876 was included in the Turkestan region. Far East policy of Russia. Sale of Alaska. In the 1850s Russia continued to develop the vast territories of Siberia and the Far East. To protect the land along the Amur River, the Trans-Baikal Cossack Army was formed in 1851, and in 1858 the Amur Cossack Host. At the initiative of the Governor-General of Eastern Siberia N.N. Muravyov, treaties were signed with China (Aigun in 1858 and Beijing in 1860) on the delimitation of adjacent territories along the Amur River. In 1855, an agreement was concluded with Japan, according to which the Kuril Islands were recognized as the territory of Russia, and joint ownership was established on Sakhalin Island. In 1875, according to the new treaty, the Kuriles were completely ceded to Japan, and Sakhalin Island to Russia. The sale of the Alaska Peninsula took place under Alexander II in 1867 during the period of his reforms. There was no visible threat to Alaska. Relations between Russia and the United States during this period were friendly. But the potential threat to Alaska remained. Firstly, it consisted in the fact that the tribes of the Indians were not conquered. English and American merchants supplied them with weapons and incited them to revolt. In 1847, the British established a trading post in the Upper Yukon. The coastal waters of Alaska swarmed with whaling ships from different countries. And the colony could not cope with all this. Secondly, the huge territory was practically not mastered. In order to avoid clashes with the Indians, the colonists were forbidden to penetrate deep into the continent. The total Russian population here ranged from 600 to 800 people. The economic situation of the territory was fragile and continued to deteriorate. The maintenance of Alaska needed government subsidies. The consequences of the Crimean War, which exhausted Russia morally and materially, forced the tsar and his diplomats to change the course of foreign policy. Thirdly, in the event of war, Russia was unable to defend Alaska. Thus, the fate of the territory was decided. December 28, 1866 Alexander II signed a document on the sale of the Alaska Peninsula. All this was done in secret. The news of the decision to buy Alaska was met in American government circles very favorably, the formalities were quickly settled. And on March 30, 1867, the agreement was signed. The purchase price was declared equal to 7 million 200 thousand dollars. This payment was negligible for a huge acquisition. Alaska was sold for next to nothing. Only one gold in it was mined for an amount two and a half thousand times greater than that paid by the buyer. But the most interesting thing in this whole story is that Russia was never able to bring money for Alaska to the country. A significant part of the 7,2 million dollars was paid in gold, which was loaded onto the Orkney ship, which headed for St. Petersburg. In the Baltic Sea, a group of conspirators tried to seize gold, but failed. For some reason, the ship sank along with the precious cargo. Topic 13. The reign of Alexander III 13.1. Domestic policy of tsarism and counter-reforms The period of the reign of Alexander III (1881-1894) is often called the time of popular autocracy and counter-reforms.[12] The chief prosecutor of the Synod Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev (1827-1907) played a decisive role in developing the foundations of the counter-reforms and their subsequent practical implementation. Other ideologists of the counter-reforms were M.N. Katkov, D.A. Tolstoy, V.P. Meshchersky. Their views had a decisive influence both on the substantiation of the foreign policy doctrine and on the development of domestic policy. The basis of the foreign policy course was the ideas of pan-Slavism and support for the liberation movement of the Slavs, the strengthening of Russian influence in Asia and expansion on the outskirts of the empire, rapprochement with France. In the sphere of domestic policy, the ideologists of the counter-reforms proposed, on the basis of strong autocratic power, the conservation and truncation of transformations, the strengthening of noble representation in local power structures and the role of feudal institutions such as the community. The economic program of Katkov-Pobedonostsev also contained the idea of strengthening autocratic power through the development of national industry. This program provided for strict control by the state over exchange operations and private entrepreneurship, the use of the state wine and tobacco monopoly as a means of taxation, support for the landowner economy, and the strengthening of communal land ownership in the countryside. The Party of Counter-Reforms developed a real program for the original development of Russia, tried to implement it and fought against the supporters of reforms in the state apparatus. The main counter-reform measures were carried out in the socio-political and cultural spheres. On August 14, 1881, a special Law "Regulations on Measures for the Preservation of State Order and Public Peace" was adopted. It was adopted as an emergency measure to combat the terror of the Narodnaya Volya and the revolutionary movement. According to this law, the staff of gendarmes was increased, security departments were created, political investigation was introduced and provocateurism was encouraged, and the publicity of legal proceedings in political cases was limited. The law lasted until 1917. On August 27, 1882, new "Provisional Rules on the Press" came into effect, according to which any press organ could be closed if its activity was recognized as harmful to society. For example, in this way the publication of the well-known liberal journal Otechestvennye Zapiski was discontinued in January 1884. On August 23, 1884, a new university charter was introduced that abolished the internal autonomy of the universities. On July 12, 1889, the institute of zemstvo district chiefs was introduced. They had the authority to control the communal self-government of the peasants and the right to resolve land issues. They were appointed from the nobility, which meant a certain return of the administrative power of the former landlords over rural peasant societies. On June 12, 1890, a new Regulation on provincial and district zemstvo institutions was approved. The main purpose of this document was to strengthen the position of the nobility as the most trustworthy category of the population in the zemstvos by changing the zemstvo electoral system. The number of deputies from the nobility increased and their number from other estates decreased. Priests, owners of trading establishments and persons who had merchant certificates were excluded from the number of voters. By the 1890s The tsarist government managed to achieve the necessary class changes in zemstvo institutions: the nobles made up 55,2% of the vowels in the counties and 89,5% in the provincial zemstvo assemblies. On June 11, 1892, a new city regulation was adopted, which made changes in the city electoral system. Small and medium-sized proprietors were excluded from the elections due to the increase in the property qualification necessary for participation in the electoral process. The rights and independence of city self-government bodies were significantly limited. Supporters of the counter-reforms also tried to seriously change the judicial charters of 1864. But their attempts practically failed, with the exception of changing the qualification of jurors in favor of the nobility (1887) and withdrawing some cases from the jurisdiction of the jury (1889). An important element of the counter-reform policy of the authorities was the course towards strengthening the peasant community not only through control over it with the help of zemstvo district chiefs, but also through the preservation of the foundations of the patriarchal system in the countryside. On March 18, 1886, the government issued a law, according to which peasant family divisions were difficult, since this required the consent of the head of the family and 2/3 of the village assembly. In 1893, laws were passed that limited the rights of the community to redistribute land and assign allotments to peasants. The interval between redistributions could not be less than 12 years. The redistribution was allowed if at least 2/3 of the peasant community voted for it. These measures were aimed at protecting the interests of the wealthy part of the peasantry. Moreover, in the same year, a law was passed prohibiting the mortgage of allotment lands, limiting the pledge and sale of peasant lands. 13.2. Modernization of the Russian economy In the first half of the 80s. 1823th century in Russia, it was possible to carry out a number of economic transformations on the initiative of N.Kh. Bunge (1895-13).[XNUMX] According to N.Kh. Bunge, industrial development was hampered due to the lack of modern factory legislation in the country. He became the initiator of its development and adoption. On June 1, 1882, a law was passed prohibiting the labor of young children in factories, and an 12-hour working day was established for adolescents from 15 to 8 years old. In the same year, a factory inspectorate was formed under the Ministry of Finance as an organ of supervision over compliance with factory legislation. On June 3, 1886, a new law, signed by the tsar, established the rules for hiring and firing workers, and the conditions for remuneration. At the same time, it provided for a number of punitive measures for participating in strikes, refusing to work, and threatening the administration. In 1882-1886. The poll tax was abolished and new taxes on real estate, trade, crafts, and monetary transactions were introduced. In 1881, the minting of the silver ruble was resumed. For lending to the national economy, the Peasant (1882) and Noble Land (1885) banks were created. N.Kh. Bunge was subjected to strong pressure from the counter-reform party. In January 1887, he was dismissed from the post of Minister of Finance and appointed to the honorary, but less influential post of Chairman of the Committee of Ministers. N.Kh. Bunge was replaced by I.A. Vyshegradsky (1831-1895) - scientist and businessman.[14] In the main directions of economic policy, he was forced to continue the line of his predecessor, aimed at increasing indirect taxes and supporting industry. Protectionism as the basis of his activities in the economic sphere prevailed. In the galaxy of Russian reformers, one of the first places was occupied by S.Yu. Witte (1849-1915),[15] who began his activity under Alexander III. In the history of Russia, he remained as one of the largest state officials, who contributed to the economic recovery of the country. For accelerated industrial development, a rigid tax system was introduced; increased indirect taxes; the state wine monopoly was introduced (1894); support for railroad construction. In the field of protectionist policy, Russian industry was protected from foreign competitors. In 1897 S.Yu. Witte carried out a financial reform: the gold backing of the ruble and its free conversion were introduced; foreign capital was widely attracted to the country. His reforms (financial, tax, etc.) are still considered exemplary in terms of the forms and methods of their implementation. In general, the policy of Alexander III and his entourage objectively could not return Russia to the pre-reform structure, they only managed to restore the class primacy somewhat lost by the nobility in various spheres of society, limit the Zemstvo-liberal electoral principles and strengthen the unlimited power of the autocracy. 13.3. The beginning of the labor movement and the spread of Marxism The development of capitalism was accompanied by the birth of the labor movement, the beginning of the spread of Marxism in Russia and the emergence of social democracy. In the 1870s the first workers' organizations appeared in the country: the South Russian Workers' Union (1875) and the Northern Union of Russian Workers (1878-1880). After the defeat of revolutionary populism, former participants in the "Black Redistribution" G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deutsch, V.N. Ignatov turned to Marxism, founding abroad, in Geneva, in 1883, the Emancipation of Labor group. Several Marxist circles in 1883-1892 (D.I. Blagoeva, N.E. Fedoseeva, M.I. Brusneva and others) also acted in Russia. In 1895, an attempt to unite disparate circles and connect them with the labor movement was made by the St. Petersburg Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class, which was led by V.I. Ulyanov (Lenin) and Yu.O. Zederbaum (Martov). But all circles were quickly liquidated by the tsarist secret police. However, their appearance and activities contributed to the formation of social democracy and the formation of political parties in the future. After the defeat of revolutionary populism, this current is transformed into liberal populism. Its representatives, remaining supporters of communal socialism, did not accept revolutionary methods of struggle and called for evolutionary reforms to gradually improve the life of the people. They chose cultural and educational work among the population as the main direction of their activity and promoted the so-called "theory of small deeds." The most prominent ideologists of the liberal populists were publicists and economists N.F. Danielson, V.P. Vorontsov, N.K. Mikhailovsky. 13.4. Russia's foreign policy in the 1880s-1890s At the end of the XIX century. once again there is an aggravation of contradictions between the great European powers: Russia, England, France, Germany and Austria-Hungary. And although Russia, especially during the reign of Emperor Alexander III, tried to play the role of a peacemaker, there was a search for allies to form military-political blocs. Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy were the first to conclude such an alliance in 1882. Gradually, due to influence in the Balkans, Russia's relations with Austria-Hungary began to worsen, and then with Germany in connection with the customs war that began in 1890. As a result, Russia began to reconsider its traditional orientation towards the Central European powers and began an active political and military rapprochement with France. Russia also began to receive regular French loans. In 1892, the Russian-French alliance was finally formalized and took on an anti-German orientation. In the Asian foreign policy direction, the annexation of Central Asia was completed (the Turkmen tribes were conquered and in 1882 the Trans-Caspian region was formed with the center in Ashgabat). Clear borders with Afghanistan were established. At the end of the XIX century. Russia as a whole managed to maintain the status of a great power and maintain peace on its borders. Under the rule of Nicholas II (1894-1917) and his ministers, Russia entered the XNUMXth century. Topic 14. Russia at the beginning of the XNUMXth century 14.1. Economic and socio-political development By the beginning of the XX century. the system of Russian capitalism is finally taking shape. Russia due to industrialization and industrial boom of the 1890s. from a backward agrarian country, it becomes an agrarian-industrial country and, in terms of industrial output, is among the leading powers of the world. In Russian industry, the process of creating monopolies is accelerating, the main forms of which were cartels, [16] syndicates, [17] trusts [18] mainly with foreign participation. For example, the Prodamet syndicate, which included a number of metallurgical plants, controlled by 1912 about 80% of the sales of the country's metallurgists. Cartel "Prodparovoz" united Putilov, Bryansk and other locomotive plants. Trusts dominated by German capital monopolized the Russian electrical industry (Siemens still exists). Monopolization was accompanied by the merging of industrial and financial capital, the formation of financial-industrial groups and the formation of concerns as the highest form of monopolistic associations, including enterprises of various industries that were not connected by production processes. Usually a single financial center served as a unifying link. The organizer of one of the most powerful military-industrial and financial groups in the country was A.I. Putilov.[19] At the same time there was a process of concentration of banking capital. In 1904, a huge Azov-Don Bank was formed in the south of Russia, absorbing the Petersburg-Azov, Minsk and Kyiv commercial banks. At the same time, many areas of the Russian economy found themselves outside the zone of modernization and were not included in the process of industrialization. Agriculture has largely retained semi-serfdom forms of ownership and management methods. The political system of Russia, despite the reforms of the second half of the XNUMXth century, remained unchanged: an absolute monarchy, the absence of a constitution and a system of elected representative power. The State Council, established in 1810, continued to be the highest legislative advisory body, its members were appointed by the tsar. The role of the highest administrative authority was played by the Committee of Ministers, the influence of the ministers depended on trust and closeness to the emperor. The social structure of Russian society at the beginning of the century combined old and new features. The nobility continued to occupy a leading place in society, although it acquired, under the influence of the development of capitalism, the features of the bourgeoisie, accelerating the process of stratification of the local nobility. Large landed estates lost their noble character. By 1905, about 1/3 of the large landowners came from merchants and peasants. Entrepreneurship of the nobility spread. The most numerous social group (about 70% of the population) was the peasantry, within which processes of stratification were also going on: 3% of the peasants turned into quite rich and began to be called kulaks, about 15% - prosperous. The bulk of the peasants were small and landless, led a semi-patriarchal subsistence economy, rented land from landowners or kulaks, and were the main source of hired labor in the countryside and town. The peasantry actively opposed landlordism. This problem was the main one in the agrarian sector and actively influenced the political life in the country. The Russian bourgeoisie, which appeared in the post-reform period, gradually took a leading position in the economy, but politically failed to develop common demands for itself and take a worthy place in the power structures of Russia. The working class, whose numbers increased markedly as a result of industrialization, constituted by the beginning of 1914 about 19% of the population. The conditions of his work and life were extremely difficult, there was no system of professional interests (trade unions were not allowed until 1906) and political freedoms. The proletariat began to enter the political arena more and more actively and put forward its own economic and political demands. During this period, the national question also becomes acute due to the multinationality of the country and the rigidity of state policy. Thus, at the beginning of the XX century. Russia was in conditions of the most acute political, socio-economic, national and psychological contradictions, which created particular tension in the country. 14.2. Formation of political parties At the end of XIX - beginning of XX century. there was the formation of political parties as a result of modernization processes in Russia. According to the ideological, theoretical and program principles, parties can be divided into three large groups: socialist (revolutionary), liberal, conservative (traditionalist). The most numerous and active were the parties of the socialist direction, subdivided into social democratic and neo-populist. The first social democratic parties arose in Western Europe in the second half of the XNUMXth century. to protect the political and socio-economic interests of the working class. The ideology of social democracy at the beginning of its development was Marxism, focused on the overthrow of capitalism and the creation of a socialist society. In the Russian Empire, social democratic organizations first appeared in the national outskirts: Armenia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Ukraine. The Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) was founded in 1898, and finally took shape in 1903 at the II Congress, where the program and charter were adopted, and the governing bodies were elected. The party program was aimed both at solving the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (the “minimum” program): the overthrow of the autocracy, the establishment of a democratic republic, an 8-hour working day, the elimination of the remnants of serfdom in the countryside, and at the implementation of the socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat (program "maximum"). When discussing statutory and program issues, as well as during the election of the governing bodies of the RSDLP, there were differences that resulted in a split and the formation of two currents: the Bolsheviks, headed by V.I. Lenin and the Mensheviks headed by Yu.O. Martov and G.V. Plekhanov. These two factions in Russian Social Democracy existed until 1912, when the Bolsheviks at the VI (Prague) Conference of the RSDLP finally separated from the Mensheviks. The neo-populist revolutionary organizations in Russia were represented by the party of socialist revolutionaries (SRs), anarchists and neo-populist national parties. Populist circles in 1902 united in the party of socialist revolutionaries (PSR). In late December 1905 - early January 1906, the XNUMXst Congress of the AKP took place, at which policy documents were adopted. The leader and ideologist of the party was V.M. Chernov. The Social Revolutionaries considered their main goal to be preparation for a social revolution, which was supposed to lead to democracy, and the right to proclaim it was supposed to be given to the Constituent Assembly. In socio-economic terms, the Socialist-Revolutionary program provided for the future reorganization of society on a collectivist, socialist basis. They wanted to solve the agrarian problem with the help of the "socialization of the land", that is, its withdrawal from commodity circulation and its transformation into public property. The right to allocate land to peasants according to labor or consumer norms was granted to local self-government bodies - peasant communities. The Social Revolutionaries revived terror, tried to use it as one of the important means of political struggle in order to foment the revolution and weaken the tsarist power. From 1902 to 1911, a militant organization specially created by them carried out terrorist actions against two ministers of internal affairs (D.S. Sipyagin and V.K. Plehve), 33 governors and vice-governors (on February 4, 1905, the uncle of the tsar was killed, Moscow Governor-General, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich), 16 mayors and prosecutors, as well as other officials of the tsarist regime. As in other political parties, the AKP has been divided. In 1906, the Maximalist Socialist-Revolutionaries separated, who made only terror the main thing in their activities (it was they who organized the attempt on P.A. Stolypin on August 12, 1906), and the popular socialists, who did not accept terror and defended peaceful methods of political struggle. Unlike the main SR party, these organizations did not have a serious impact on society and remained insignificant political associations. In November 1917, an opposition movement (M. Spiridonova, B. Kamkov, S. Mstislavsky, and others) of the Left Social Revolutionaries arose in the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. In December 1917, they joined the Bolshevik bloc and were part of the Soviet government until March 1918. In connection with the rejection of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, the Left Social Revolutionaries broke off relations with the Bolsheviks and in July 1918 attempted to organize a rebellion against the Bolshevik authorities, but suffered defeat and soon ceased their political existence. Anarchism was a doctrine whose supporters denied the state and all power, believing that it could be destroyed by revolutionary means. They called the ideal social system a federation of self-governing communities and associations, where the human person is free from all forms of dependence. The first anarchist groups in Russia and abroad appeared at the beginning of the 1905th century. In 1907-XNUMX. three trends developed in anarchism: anarcho-communism, the purpose of which was to build a new system after the revolution in the form of anarchist communism (supporters of P. Kropotkin, the Khleb Volya group, etc.); anarcho-syndicalism, which proclaimed the complete liberation of labor from all forms of exploitation and power, the creation of free professional associations of workers (Ya.I. Kirillovsky, V.A. Gusse and others) as the main goal of its activity; anarcho-individualism, which promoted the absolute freedom of the individual (representatives of the humanitarian intelligentsia - A.A. Borovoy, I. Brodsky, G.I. Chulkov, etc.). The neo-populists as a whole were quite an active political force and played an important role in the revolutionary socialist movement in Russia. Political parties of a liberal orientation, as a rule, were formed within the framework of the zemstvo representation. Zemstvo-liberals began to create political parties from the foundation and publication abroad (in Stuttgart) of the illegal magazine "Liberation" (July 1902 - October 1905) edited by P.B. Struve. In the summer and autumn of 1903, respectively, two liberal organizations, the Union of Liberation and the Union of Zemstvo-Constitutionalists, took shape, which became the core of the Cadet Party. The Constitutional Democratic Party (the Cadets, or the "Party of People's Freedom") took shape at the 1st Congress in October 1905. The main provisions of the party program of the Cadets were as follows: a smooth reform of the Russian political system the State Duma of the government, the introduction of universal suffrage and democratic freedoms); the eradication of semi-feudal remnants in the countryside, the partial confiscation of landed estates and an increase in the size of peasant allotments; recognition for workers of the right to strike, state insurance, 8-hour working day. The Cadets united representatives of the Russian intellectual elite: teachers, lawyers, philosophers, economists, journalists (S.A. Muromtsev, V.I. Vernadsky, A.A. Kornilov, V.A. Maklakov, A.I. Shingarev, D.I. Shakhovskaya and others), the leader of the party was the famous historian P.N. Milyukov. The other wing of the liberal trend was the Octobrists. Their organizational formation began after the October tsarist manifesto of 1905. The first congress of the "Union of October 17" (as this political party was officially called) took place in February 1906. with cadets. Their programmatic demands were more moderate and conservative within the framework of liberal ideology than those of the Cadets. They advocated the preservation of the monarchy in Russia, did not accept the Western version of parliamentarism, and saw the future state system in combining the power of the emperor with the power of parliament (the government should be appointed by the tsar, but be responsible not only to him, but also to the representative body). In the agrarian issue, the main thing for them was the increase in peasant land plots at the expense of state resources and the purchase of land through the Peasants' Bank by those who could acquire it. In this regard, their position was close to that of P.A. Stolypin and his agrarian reforms. Among the members of the "Union of October 17" there were many very famous people in Russia: the industrialist and banker P.P. Ryabushinsky, Prince N.S. Volkonsky, lawyer F.N. Plevako, publisher B.A. Suvorin, jeweler K.G. Faberge, publicist A.A. Stolypin and others. The leaders of the party were A.I. Guchkov and M.V. Rodzianko. Other liberal parties - the Party of Democratic Reforms (leaders K.K. Arsenyev, M.M. Kovalevsky, V.D. Kuzmin-Karavaev) and the Party of Peaceful Renewal (leaders P.A. Geiden, D.N. Shipov) were not massive and influential. Their members will subsequently create a progressive party, which will unite representatives of industrial and commercial circles (primarily Moscow - A.I. Konovalov and N.P. Ryabushinsky) and liberal intellectuals (D.N. Shipov, P.A. Geyden, N. .N. Lvov, E.N. Trubetskoy), who disagree with the Cadets-Octobrist positions. The mainstay of autocracy in the political life of Russia was the conservative-traditionalist movement, presented at the beginning of the XNUMXth century. a number of organizations and parties. The most famous were the Black Hundreds. The term "black hundred" had a historical context. In Russia in the Middle Ages, this was the name of the taxable population. At the beginning of the XX century. this name began to refer to the zealots of autocratic foundations, participants in patriotic demonstrations. The basis of their ideology was the official monarchical doctrine ("the theory of official nationality") and nationalism. They declared themselves defenders of the autocracy against revolutionary encroachments and used typically inhumane methods for this: propaganda of anti-Semitism, pogroms, terror, etc. not only, as we are accustomed to think, declassed elements (shopkeepers, janitors, cab drivers), but also representatives of all social groups (intelligentsia, landowners, merchants, workers, artisans, officials). There were several dozen right-wing traditionalist organizations in Russia, they enjoyed the support of the authorities (including financial ones). The largest of them were the Russian Assembly, the Monarchist Party, the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel, the Union of Russian People. Their leaders included a number of large landowners, deputies of the State Duma V.M. Purishkevich and N.E. Markov, zemstvo doctor A.I. Dubrovin, Archbishop Anthony of Volhynia (Khrapovitsky), and others. Various nationalist organizations were allies of the Black Hundreds. In the future, the union of the Black Hundreds and nationalists failed to resist the revolutionary movement and fulfill its main task - to preserve the autocracy in Russia. 14.3. Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905 At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. the international situation deteriorated sharply. Military-political blocs are beginning to form in Europe, and armed conflicts are breaking out in Asia. In the environment of Nicholas II, the conviction grew stronger that expansion should be developed in the Asian direction and "incremented" in the Far East. Russia and China in 1896 concluded an agreement on a defensive alliance against Japan and the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) through the territory of Manchuria to connect Chita with Vladivostok along a shorter route. During 1897-1901. The CER was built. In 1897, Russia deepened its penetration into China, sent warships to Port Arthur (Chinese city of Lushun) and concluded an agreement on the lease of the Liaodong Peninsula. The economic penetration of Russia into China and Korea came into conflict with the interests of Japan, which considered these territories to be its sphere of influence, which later became the main reason for the Russo-Japanese War. The Japanese government demanded the withdrawal of Russian troops from Manchuria, which were introduced during the suppression of the Boxer uprising (the Yihetuan movement) in 1899-1902, and the recognition of their exclusive rights to Korea. Russia responded evasively. On January 24, 1904, Japan unilaterally severed diplomatic relations with Russia, and on January 27, 1904, the Japanese fleet attacked the Russian squadron, which was on the roadstead near Port Arthur, damaging three ships. On the morning of January 27, 1904, 14 Japanese ships attacked the Russian cruiser "Varyag" and the gunboat "Koreets" in the Korean port of Chemulpo, who fought bravely and died in an unequal battle. March 31, 1904 on the flagship "Petropavlovsk" was blown up by a mine, along with his headquarters, the commander of the Pacific Fleet, Vice Admiral S.O. Makarov.[20] In connection with these events, the active operations of the Russian fleet almost ceased, and he was forced to go on the defensive. Military operations continued on land. Their main theaters were the Russian defense of Port Arthur and the battles in Manchuria. The heroic defense of the main stronghold of Russia in South China - Port Arthur - continued almost throughout 1904. The resistance was stopped in December 1904 by order of the commandant General A.M. Stessel. After the fall of Port Arthur, the strategic position of the Russian army in Manchuria worsened, where hostilities continued. A major battle took place in February 1905 at Mukden (the center of southern Manchuria). The Russian troops stubbornly defended themselves, but were forced to retreat on the orders of General A.N. Kuropatkin. The Battle of Mukden was the last major military clash on land in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. The Russian military command, seeking to assist its troops in the Far East, sent a squadron from the Baltic Fleet under the command of Vice Admiral Z.P. Rozhdestvensky. Having made the transition across the Atlantic and Indian oceans, she was defeated in May 1905 in the Tsushima naval battle. In the summer of 1905, the Japanese captured the island of Sakhalin. On August 23, 1905, a peace treaty was signed between Russia and Japan in Portsmouth, stating Russia's defeat in the war. Japan annexed the southern part of Sakhalin Island to its territory, received the right to lease the Liaodong Peninsula and Port Arthur. Russia recognized Japan's sphere of influence in Korea. Japan received the right to fish along the Russian coast. The main reasons for the defeat in the war were the general unpreparedness of Russia for military operations in the Far East, the weakness of the transport support for the army in this region, and, of course, the mediocrity of the top military leadership. 14.4. Revolution 1905-1907 First Russian Revolution 1905-1907 occurred as a result of a nationwide crisis, which has acquired a large-scale, deep and acute character. The social costs of capitalist industrialization turned out to be extremely high while maintaining the old feudal ways in agriculture, in which the majority of the country's population was employed. Russia during this period was practically the only state in Europe where there was no parliament, legal political parties, civil rights and freedoms. The agrarian question remained unresolved. The economic crisis of 1900-1903, which then turned into a protracted economic depression, as well as the defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, further aggravated the situation. The country needed radical change. But the autocracy resisted the transformation in every possible way. The beginning of the revolution was the events in St. Petersburg on January 9, 1905, which received the name "Bloody Sunday". On this day, a 150-strong procession of workers to the tsar took place, organized by the priest G. Gapon and the organization "Assembly of Russian Factory Workers" created by him, which introduced the principles of so-called "police socialism" into the labor movement in order to distract it from revolutionary ideas. The strike, supported by the majority of workers in large enterprises, has acquired an almost universal character. The workers wanted to send a petition to the tsar with a request to protect their rights and improve their financial situation. It was proposed to convene a Constituent Assembly. The peaceful demonstration was shot down by the troops. Dozens and hundreds of people were killed and wounded. The news of the execution of the demonstration was the catalyst for the revolution. The country was swept by a wave of mass demonstrations. On February 18, 1905, a rescript of Nicholas II appeared with a promise of reforms. But the royal rescript did not calm the country. The flurry of revolutionary uprisings grew. An important event in the spring-summer of 1905 was the strike of the Ivanovo-Voznesensk textile workers, during which the first council of workers' representatives was created. In 1905, workers' councils appeared in 50 Russian cities. Subsequently, they will become (starting from 1917) the main structure of the new Bolshevik power. In 1905, a powerful peasant movement arose, which partly took the form of agrarian unrest, which was expressed in the pogrom of landowners' estates and non-payment of redemption payments. In the summer of 1905, the first national peasant organization was formed - the All-Russian Peasant Union, which advocated immediate political and agrarian reforms. Revolutionary ferment seized the army and navy. In June 1905 there was an uprising on the battleship "Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky" of the Black Sea Fleet. But the sailors did not receive support from other ships and were forced to leave for Romania and surrender to the local authorities there. On August 6, 1905, a manifesto appeared on the creation of the State Duma, drawn up by a commission led by A.G. Bulygin. According to this document, the Duma was supposed to be only of a legislative nature, and voting rights were granted mainly to the propertied strata, excluding workers and farm laborers. Around the "Bulygin" Duma, a sharp struggle unfolded between various political forces, which led to mass protests and the All-Russian October political strike, which engulfed all the vital centers of the country. Under these conditions, the autocracy was forced to make concessions and sign a manifesto on October 17, 1905. The manifesto contained three points. First, he "granted the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of real inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, press, meetings, unions." Secondly, it was announced that the right to vote was extended to "those classes of the population that are deprived of voting rights." Thirdly, it was established that "no law could take effect without the approval of the State Duma." In connection with the adoption of the manifesto on October 17, the supreme executive power was reformed. The post of chairman of the Council of Ministers was introduced, and S.Yu. Witte, who was entrusted with the implementation of the manifesto of October 17, 1905. The development of constitutional principles for reforming the highest representative bodies of power in Russia continued. Later (in February 1906), the State Council was transformed from a legislative body into the upper house of parliament, the State Duma became the lower house. Despite the publication of the tsar's manifesto and the efforts of the authorities to stabilize the internal situation in the country, the revolutionary movement continued. Its apogee was the December armed uprising in Moscow. On December 7-9, 1905, barricades were erected in Moscow. But the tsarist troops crushed the uprising. In 1906 the gradual decline of the revolution began. The supreme power, under the pressure of revolutionary uprisings, carried out a number of transformations. The first parliamentary elections in Russia were held, and on April 6, 1906, the First State Duma began its work. The activity of trade unions was legalized. However, the revolution and social activity continued. The First State Duma, opposed to autocracy, was dissolved. In protest, 182 deputies representing socialist and liberal parties gathered in the city of Vyborg and adopted an appeal to the population of Russia, in which they called for acts of civil disobedience (refusing to pay taxes and perform military service). In July 1906 sailors revolted in Sveaborg, Kronstadt and Revel. Peasant unrest did not stop either. The society was disturbed by the terrorist actions of the Socialist-Revolutionary militants who carried out a high-profile attempt on the life of Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin (August 12, 1906). Courts-martial were introduced to expedite terrorism cases. Elected at the beginning of 1907, the Second State Duma refused to cooperate with the government, and above all on the agrarian question. June 1, 1907 P.A. Stolypin accused the Social Democratic parties of intending to overthrow the existing system. On June 3, 1907, Nicholas II dissolved the Second State Duma by his decree and introduced a new electoral law, according to which electoral quotas were redistributed in favor of political forces loyal to the monarchy. This was a certain legal violation of the manifesto of October 17, 1905 and the fundamental laws of the Russian Empire, so the revolutionary camp defined this change as a coup d'état, which meant the defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907. The so-called June XNUMXrd state system began to operate in the country. 14.5. Stolypin reforms The main task of the June XNUMXrd political system was to preserve the existing system through conservative-liberal reforms. The key figure of the new course was the Chairman of the Council of Ministers P.A. Stolypin. The most important element of the new political system was the State Duma. The III Duma (November 1, 1907-June 9, 1912), elected according to the new position, had a qualification character, the norms of representation in it were changed in favor of the landowners and the big bourgeoisie. The Third June Duma became a reliable support for both the anti-revolutionary and moderate reformist programs of Stolypin. The main difference between the Third Duma and the previous ones was that the forces opposed to the government did not constitute a majority in it. The Right-Octobrist circles of the Third Duma constituted an economically powerful force supporting P.A. Stolypin. The severity of the revolutionary events of 1905-1907. showed that the peasant question was central in politics and the future existence of the regime depended on its solution. All reforms of P.A. Stolypin, who headed the government in 1906, were sent to reform the countryside. The most important of them was the land, called "Stolypin". A feature of the Stolypin agrarian reform was the desire to quickly destroy the community. The main reason for this attitude of the authorities towards the community was the revolutionary events and agrarian riots in 1905-1906. Another no less important goal of the land reform was the socio-political one, since it was required to create a class of small proprietors as the social support of the autocracy as the main cell of the state, which is opposed to all destructive theories. The implementation of the reform was initiated by the royal decree of November 9, 1906, according to which free exit from the community was allowed. The land plots that had been in the use of the peasants since the last redistribution were assigned to the property, regardless of the change in the number of souls in the family. There was an opportunity to sell your allotment, as well as to allocate land in one place - on a farm or a cut. At the same time, all this involved the removal of restrictions on the movement of peasants around the country, the transfer of part of the state and specific lands to the Peasant Land Bank to expand operations for the purchase and sale of land, the organization of a resettlement movement in Siberia in order to provide landless and landless peasants with allotments through the development of vast eastern expanses . In addition to the agrarian reforms, Stolypin's reforms included changes in other areas, the implementation of which was supposed to bring Russia out of a state of permanent crisis and lead to stability. Among them were: the reform of local government and self-government, which involved the destruction of estate management of the peasantry and the introduction of non-estate volost institutions; reform in the system of public education, which provided for the widespread construction of rural schools and the transition to compulsory primary education; measures aimed at improving the situation of workers (creating a system of insurance for them, introducing rules on employment, reducing working hours, etc.). Agrarian reform P.A. Stolypin was incomplete and not entirely successful. By January 1, 1916, 25-27% of peasant households separated from the community. During this period, the country experienced an increase in agricultural production and an increase in the export of bread. The reform brought the most tangible result in Siberia. After 1905, about 3,7 million people moved beyond the Urals, of which about 1 million returned, 700 thousand dispersed across Siberia, and only 2 million, i.e., a little more than half, managed to gain a foothold on the earth. It was here that the sown area for grain increased by 62% and the peasant trade cooperation began to develop rapidly. The implementation of the reformist plans of P.A. Stolypin was hampered by such factors as the short time frame for reforms; resistance from right and left political forces, who saw in these reforms a threat to their influence; complex relationships between the tsar's entourage and P.A. Stolypin. P.A. himself Stolypin began to cause steady irritation in the emperor. During the celebrations on the occasion of the opening of zemstvo institutions in Kyiv in September 1911, P.A. Stolypin was mortally wounded. In conditions of acute political struggle, the work of the Russian parliament was carried out. In the IV State Duma (November 15, 1912 - October 6, 1917), the number of right and left deputies increased, while the Octobrist faction shrank. The defeat of the "Union of October 17" was the result of the disappointment of the progressive nobility and the urban bourgeoisie in the conservative-liberal course of the government. The reforms carried out in the country under the influence of the revolution of 1905-1907 turned out to be belated and were possible only within the limits to which the autocracy agreed or to which the people forced. In this regard, the idea began to form in the public mind that revolutionary pressure on the government was becoming the preferred means of political struggle in Russia. 14.6. Russia in World War I (1914-1918) The First World War was caused by acute economic and geopolitical contradictions between the major world powers. These contradictions were due to the clash of interests of England, France, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary and other countries. Germany was especially active in international relations, striving for world domination and the forceful redistribution of the world. This line of conduct led to hostile relations between Germany and England (mainly because of the colonies), as well as France (due to Alsace and Lorraine, captured by the Germans as a result of the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871, and Morocco, which both sides tried to turn it into a colony). And Russia had serious contradictions with Germany (primarily trade and economic, as well as geopolitical, related to the issue of control over the straits and influence in Turkey) and Austria-Hungary (due to dominance in the Balkans). In 1907, Russia joined the Franco-British alliance, which finally formalized the military-political bloc, called the Entente (translated from French - cordial consent). He was opposed by the Tripartite Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, which was replaced by Turkey in 1914), which was formed at the end of the XNUMXth century. As a result, the world split into two opposing blocs, the contradictions between which led to a global military conflict. The reason for the war was the assassination in 1914 in Sarajevo by a Serbian nationalist of the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne. In response, Austria-Hungary issued an ultimatum to Serbia and then declared war. Russia, as the guarantor of the independence of Serbia, began a general army mobilization. Germany demanded its termination, but, having received a refusal, on July 19, 1914, declared war on Russia. On July 21-22, Russia's allies, France and England, entered the war. On July 26, a state of war was declared between Russia and Austria-Hungary. Subsequently, more than 30 states joined the warring parties. The rapid offensive of the Russian troops in East Prussia helped the Anglo-French troops on the Western Front to win the battle on the Marne River and prevent the fall of Paris, since Germany was forced to transfer troops from the Western to the Eastern Front. However, the mistakes of the Russian command led to the defeat in East Prussia. The total losses amounted to 250 thousand soldiers and officers (killed, wounded, captured and missing). On the Southwestern Front, the Russian army won the Battle of Galicia against Austria-Hungary (August-September 1914), occupied Eastern Galicia and pushed the Austrians back to the Carpathians. At the end of October 1914, German and Turkish ships fired on the Russian cities of the Black Sea region: Odessa, Sevastopol, Feodosia and Novorossiysk. In response, Russia, and then England and France, declared war on Turkey. In the Caucasus, a new theater of military operations arose between Russia and Turkey. The military campaign of 1914 did not bring decisive success to either side. Germany failed to defeat the enemy in the West and East. In 1915, the Western Front stabilized, and there was mainly a positional struggle there. Germany concentrated its main military forces on the Eastern Front with the aim of defeating Russia and withdrawing it from the war. As a result of stubborn battles, Russia lost Poland, part of the Baltic states, Western Belarus and Ukraine. Under these conditions, on August 23, 1915, Emperor Nicholas II assumed the duties of supreme commander-in-chief instead of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich, who had led the Russian army since the beginning of the war. In the autumn of 1915, the Russian-German front stabilized along the Riga-Dvinsk-Baranovichi-Pinsk line, and, despite the general setback in the military campaign of 1915, Russia held out, remained loyal to the allies and continued to fight. In 1916, Germany again sent the main blow against France. Almost the whole year there were bloody battles under the French fortress of Verdun. In order to weaken the onslaught on the Franco-German front, Russia launched an offensive on the Southwestern Front against Austria-Hungary. The famous Brusilovsky breakthrough put Germany's ally on the brink of disaster, which forced her to transfer units from the Western Front. In the Caucasian theater of military operations, the Russian army carried out a number of successful military operations, which led to the capture of the Erzerum fortress and the port of Trebizond - the main Turkish bases for operations against the Russian Transcaucasus. At the end of 1916, the strategic initiative in the war passed to the Entente. The February Revolution of 1917 did not lead to Russia's withdrawal from the war, since the Provisional Government declared its loyalty to the allied duty. However, military operations (in Galicia and Belarus) ended in failure. The front broke up, the country demanded an end to the war. The Bolsheviks, after coming to power on the basis of the decree on peace adopted at the II Congress of Soviets, began negotiations with Germany. Soviet Russia withdrew from the First World War by concluding with Germany and its allies a separate and extremely humiliating Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 1918), according to which huge territories (Poland, the Baltic States, Ukraine, part of Belarus and Transcaucasia) were torn away from Russia. ). She pledged to pay a large indemnity (3 billion rubles) and stop revolutionary propaganda in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The Entente countries on the Western Front achieved victory over the German bloc, securing this in 1919 with the Treaty of Versailles. Russia suffered the most significant losses in the war compared to other participating countries - 9 million 347 thousand people (irretrievable, sanitary losses and captured). The losses of the main opponents were: Germany - 7 million 860 thousand people, Austria-Hungary - 4 million 880 thousand people. Topic 15. Revolutions of 1917 and the Civil War in Russia 15.1. February Revolution Causes of the Revolution. The abdication of Nicholas II and the fall of the monarchy. The revolutionary events of 1917 were caused by the insufficient development of the economy, the lack of stability and sustainability of social and political relations. All this largely stemmed from unresolved tasks during the revolution of 1905-1907. The First World War contributed to the emergence of a nationwide crisis in the country, overstraining the possibilities of the economy and socio-political relations. The heavy defeats of Russia caused a fall in the authority of the authorities, an increase in anger in society, and a deterioration in living conditions. At the end of 1916, the crisis of the "tops" reached its peak. It manifested itself in military defeats, in "ministerial leapfrog", that is, in the frequent change of ministers. An important role in the country was played by G. Rasputin, who powerfully influenced the royal family. "Rasputinism" finally undermined the authority of tsarism. The assassination of Rasputin at the end of 1916 did not save the situation. By 1917, a nationwide revolutionary crisis had developed, caused by the First World War and the inability of the supreme power to cope with urgent problems. All this led to the growth of the strike and anti-war movement, and then to the February revolutionary explosion. On February 23, 1917, the capital of the empire was overwhelmed by a wave of workers' demonstrations. On February 25, the strike engulfed all of Petrograd. It was organized by socialists and had a revolutionary character. On February 26, the transition to the side of the workers' troops of the Petrograd garrison began, and on February 27, two centers of power arose: the Provisional Committee of the IV State Duma and the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. According to a number of historians, an important role in the construction of these power structures was played by the Masonic organization ("Great East of the Peoples of Russia"), which included representatives of the liberal and revolutionary camps. The link was A.F. Kerensky, who was a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and deputy chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, as well as one of the leaders of Russian Freemasons. On March 2, 1917, Nicholas II signed a manifesto on abdication for himself and for his son in favor of his brother Mikhail. Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, who lived in Gatchina and avoided any interference in state affairs in every possible way, arrived in Petrograd on March 3, 1917, where, after a meeting with the leadership of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Provisional Government, he also abdicated. The monarchy in Russia ceased to exist. On March 3, 1917, a declaration appeared on the creation of the Provisional Government. The idea of convening a Constituent Assembly was proclaimed. Officially, the dissolution of the IV State Duma and the expiration of the powers of elected members of the State Council were announced by the Provisional Government only on October 6, 1917. Simultaneously with the power of the Provisional Government, the power of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies continued to exist, which gave rise to dual power in the country. Dual power. The first measures of the new authorities. One of the main results of the February Revolution is dual power. The essence of dual power was the exercise of two forms of power: the bourgeoisie represented by the Provisional Government and the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which reflected the interests of workers, soldiers and peasants. The Provisional Government became the supreme body of the Russian state after the February Revolution. The provisional government in 1917 attempted to carry out the transition from the old autocratic regime to a new democratic one by reforming the country's main political and socio-economic institutions in the conditions of a severe crisis and military devastation. In his work there were both certain achievements and serious miscalculations. The successes of the Provisional Government include the introduction of a complete list of democratic freedoms, the proclamation of a republic, the adoption of democratic electoral legislation, and the abolition of the death penalty for political crimes. The failures of the Provisional Government consisted in the continuation of Russia's participation in the First World War, delaying the solution of the agrarian issue, periodically postponing elections to the Constituent Assembly, and after an unsuccessful offensive at the front, the restoration of the death penalty for war crimes in the war zone, the introduction of military revolutionary courts. The composition of the Provisional Government was not stable and constantly changed depending on the political situation in the country. In less than eight months of his reign, four cabinets of ministers were replaced. The change of cabinets was caused by the political crises of 1917. The first Provisional Government consisted of representatives of the main Duma factions (the Cadets and Octobrists) and one representative of the socialists (A.F. Kerensky). Subsequent cabinets were coalition, liberal-democratic, and after the July crisis, the government was headed by A.F. Kerensky. The program and practical activities of the Provisional Government were based on the doctrine of a supra-party coalition, which assumed the coordination of liberal and socialist principles, finding a compromise between commercial and industrial circles and workers in order to strengthen the bourgeois-democratic system and reform Russia. 15.2. From February - to October Political struggle in Russia after the February Revolution. After the February Revolution, a situation arose in the country that was characterized by instability and favored the intensification of the struggle between various political forces in Russia. The political, socio-economic and national crisis continued to deepen in the country, which eventually led to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in October 1917. The collapse of the autocracy led to the loss of influence in society of traditionalist-conservative forces - the Black Hundreds and monarchists. They left the political arena. The Octobrists and Progressives failed to find their political niche. The ruling party (until June 1917) was the party of the Cadets, who at the 1917th Congress in March XNUMX declared themselves not only anti-monarchists, but also spoke out even for the approval of socialism. The Mensheviks played an important role in the upper echelon of power after the February Revolution. They believed that Russia should go through a long stage of bourgeois-democratic development, in which power should first belong to the bourgeoisie, and then to a coalition of classes, so they supported the Provisional Government and influenced it. The Menshevik Party was not monolithic, there were several currents and groups in it, the predominant role among which was played by the Menshevik defencists (N.S. Chkheidze, I.G. Tsereteli, F.I. Dan and others), who advocated an alliance with the bourgeoisie and supported the slogan of continuing the war until victory. The Socialist-Revolutionary Party became large and influential. They also advocated a coalition with the Cadets and were part of the Provisional Government. The political line of the Bolsheviks differed significantly from the behavior of all other political forces in Russia. They, especially after returning in April 1917 to the country of V.I. Lenin, sharply opposed the support of the Provisional Government, for the transfer of all power to the Soviets. An important slogan of the Bolsheviks was also the demand for the termination of Russia's participation in the war. In the conditions of dual power, such tactics of the Bolsheviks, in their opinion, should very soon lead to an intensification of the political struggle and their capture of the majority in the Soviets. Indeed, their influence began to grow rapidly, especially against the backdrop of a series of crises of power (the April and July crises of the Provisional Government) and an unsuccessful offensive at the front. The July events in Petrograd became the result of this situation. Power crisis. July events in Petrograd. On July 3-4, 1917, mass demonstrations took place in Petrograd under the Bolshevik slogans: "Down with the war!", "Down with the Provisional Government!", "All power to the Soviets!" These speeches led to riots and military clashes. By order of the Provisional Government and the sanction of the Petrograd Soviet, the demonstrations were shot. Several hundred people were wounded and killed. The Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies blamed the Bolsheviks for this. On July 8, 1917, a decree of the Provisional Government was published on the arrest and trial of the leaders of the Bolsheviks (V.I. Lenin, G.E. Zinoviev, etc.), who were declared German agents and organizers of the uprising against the Provisional Government. IN AND. Lenin and G.E. Zinoviev went underground. July 10 V.I. Lenin in his article "The Political Situation" declared the July events the end of the dual power and the victory of the counter-revolution, which, in his opinion, completed the peaceful stage in the development of the revolution. The VI Congress of the RSDLP(b) held in Petrograd (July 26 - August 3, 1917) headed for an armed uprising. As for the accusation of the Bolsheviks of spying for Germany and their so-called "German money", the essence of the problem was as follows. The financing of the revolutionary activities of the Bolsheviks by Germany during the First World War, according to the majority of foreign and domestic historians, existed and went through two channels identified to date. The first channel - through the mediation of Alexander Parvus (A.L. Gelfand), who actively cooperated with the German special services and V.I. Lenin. The second channel - through the mediation of the Swiss Social Democrat, German and Austrian agent Karl Moor, who gave money to the Bolsheviks already in 1917-1918. In the 1920s he filed a petition for the return of this money, and in 1926 38 dollars (about 400 thousand Swiss francs) were returned to him, although, apparently, this was the money of the German General Staff. Here it is also necessary to answer the question: were V.I. Lenin and the Bolsheviks as German spies? In a literal sense, definitely not. We can talk, first of all, about the coincidence of the interests of Germany and the Bolsheviks. Both those and others aspired to the military defeat of Russia. On July 24, 1917, a new coalition Provisional Government was formed, headed by the Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky, who tried to pursue a centrist policy and solve problems that had become very aggravated after the February Revolution. An attempt to reconcile the different political forces of the country at the state meeting on August 12-14, 1917 in Moscow failed. The Bolsheviks announced a boycott, and the right-wing forces and the military relied on a "strong personality" - General L.G. Kornilov. Kornilov rebellion (August 25-31). The establishment of a military dictatorship in the country to suppress the revolutionary movement, strengthen power in the center, prevent the collapse of the front and continue the war was demanded by many political forces. Initially, apparently, there was some agreement between A.F. Kerensky as head of the Provisional Government and L.G. Kornilov as the Supreme Commander of the Russian troops to send troops to Petrograd to strengthen support for the legitimate government. But soon A.F. Kerensky suspected a threat to himself in this, and L.G. Kornilov obviously decided to play his part, and their duumvirate did not take place. As a result, L.G. Kornilov moved troops to the capital and demanded that he be given full power. A.F. Kerensky regarded this as a counter-revolutionary rebellion, issued an order to dismiss L.G. Kornilov from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief and turned for help to all revolutionary forces, including the Bolsheviks. A wide anti-Kornilov front was created, which managed to quickly liquidate the performance of the military. The suppression of the Kornilov rebellion led to a change in the alignment of political forces in the country. The influence of the Bolsheviks in society increased again, the Bolshevization of the Soviets began. The Bolsheviks were actively preparing for an armed seizure of power. The collapse of the policy of the Provisional Government. The Provisional Government during the period of its activity failed to resolve the three main issues that were the most important for Russia in 1917: land, peace and the Constituent Assembly. The key issue for Russia has always been land. Reforms in the 1860s and the subsequent agrarian reform failed to solve it. The Provisional Government also tried to contribute. From May to August 1917, V.M. was the Minister of Agriculture. Chernov, who proposed the Socialist-Revolutionary agrarian program, the essence of which was the socialization of the land. It was supposed to seize land without redemption from private property and commodity circulation into the public domain and transfer it to the jurisdiction of central and local bodies of people's self-government for subsequent equalizing and labor land use. Similar demands were recorded in 242 orders to peasant deputies. The Provisional Government, including V.M. Chernov, considered it necessary to consider the land issue at the Constituent Assembly, which was supposed to resolve it. Under pressure from political opponents, V.M. Chernov was forced to resign, and his successor, the Right Socialist-Revolutionary S.L. Maslov in the second half of October 1917 presented to the government another land bill, which provided for the preservation of private ownership of land, the redemption of alienated landlords' land with the preservation of landowner privileges. This meant abandoning the land socialization program. The land question again remained unresolved. The Bolsheviks brilliantly took advantage of this, adopting at the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets the Decree on Land, drawn up on the basis of the well-known 242 orders, thereby securing the support of the main part of the country's population in October 1917. The second cardinal problem in 1917 was the question of peace, that is, Russia's withdrawal from the war, which she was not capable of waging under the conditions of the revolution. This was understood by many political forces. But the financial, moral and ethical obligations in relation to the military allies turned out to be stronger, which served as one of the prerequisites for the collapse of the Provisional Government. And another important problem is the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Elections of deputies under various pretexts were postponed by the Provisional Government and took place after its overthrow. All these events did not contribute to public peace. 15.3. October Revolution The coming of the Bolsheviks to power. II Congress of Soviets (October 25-27, 1917). Against the background of the unresolved main problems of the country, in the conditions of constant political instability and crisis in all spheres of society, the Bolsheviks began preparations for an armed seizure of power. In late September - early October 1917, the leader of the Bolsheviks V.I. returned to Petrograd from Finland. Lenin, hiding there from the Provisional Government. He directly led the preparations for the uprising. The confidence grew among the masses that only the Soviets could change the situation. On October 25, 1917, almost the entire city was captured by the rebels. Only the Winter Palace had not yet been taken; the Provisional Government was located there. At the direction of the Central Committee, the leadership of the Bolshevik faction delayed the opening of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets in anticipation of news of the capture of the Winter Palace. It is quite understandable that such news could have a decisive influence on the position of the delegates regarding the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets. At 22:40 p.m., the acting chairman of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), Menshevik F.I. Dan opened the convention. The Bolsheviks managed to realize their idea and confront the congress with the fact of a change of power in the country. L.B. became the Chairman of the Presidium. Kamenev, known as a supporter of cooperation between the Bolsheviks and other socialist parties and as an opponent of an armed uprising. The agenda was announced: consideration of issues of power, war and the Constituent Assembly. The speech of the leader of the Menshevik-internationalists, Yu.O. Martov (Zederbaum), who saw the task of the congress primarily in resolving the issue of power and preventing an inevitable civil war. He considered it necessary to create a single democratic government on the basis of an agreement between the Bolsheviks and other socialist parties. The Left Socialist-Revolutionaries joined Martov's proposal. A.V. spoke on behalf of the Bolsheviks. Lunacharsky, who stated that the Bolshevik faction had nothing against Yu.O. Martov. So, there has been a turn towards coalition agreement and compromise. However, the Menshevik and Right Socialist-Revolutionary delegates sharply condemned the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks and, on this basis, rejected the possibility of joint work. Having received no approval from the congress for the proposed negotiations with the Provisional Government, the Right SRs and Mensheviks left the congress. Their departure was an open protest against the actions of the Bolsheviks. Those who left the congress were convinced that the "Bolshevik adventure" would not be able to establish itself, and sought to politically isolate the Bolsheviks. But the opposite happened: by their departure, the factions "let the Bolsheviks through" to power. On the night of October 25-26, 1917, a message arrived that the Winter Palace had been taken. The Bolsheviks came to power. The ministers of the Provisional Government were arrested. On October 26, at the second meeting of the congress, the first decrees were adopted: Peace Decree - a proposal to the belligerents to start negotiations on signing a just democratic peace without annexations and indemnities; Decree on land - the abolition without redemption of landowners' ownership of land. The land was transferred to the disposal of the volost land committees and district Soviets of peasant deputies; Decree on power - the election of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK, since November 8, 1917, Y.M. Sverdlov became the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee) and the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), headed by V.I. Lenin. In addition, the congress adopted an appeal to the front and the Cossacks, as well as a resolution to abolish the death penalty at the front. Historical estimates of October 1917 The events of October 1917 still cause controversy and ambiguous assessments in society. In historical science, there are also different points of view and assessments on this matter. The American scientist R. Pipes considers October 1917 a coup, a putsch of the Bolsheviks. But most historians consider it a revolution. Unlike coups, revolutions are not made by conspirators. A revolution is a mass popular movement that cannot be caused by someone's individual or group subjective will. A group of revolutionaries can understand the desire of the people, use it and direct it in a certain direction. In our opinion, the Russian historian V.P. Dmitrenko. He presented the revolution as a complex, multi-level, multi-faceted historical phenomenon that combined the agrarian, proletarian-poor, national liberation, anti-war and general democratic types of revolution. Each of these types had its own patterns and its own level of contradictions. The October Revolution of 1917 had a huge impact on the development of the world community. 15.4. The policy of the Bolsheviks during the formation of Soviet power First Decrees. The main task of the Bolsheviks after they came to power was the creation of a new system of state administration. As a universal form, the Soviets were chosen, which were considered as organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat. All other structures of the state apparatus were to be controlled by these bodies and formed with their direct or indirect participation. The executive power in the country was exercised by the Bolshevik government - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), headed by V.I. Lenin. The first decrees of the Soviet government were aimed at satisfying the demands of the workers and peasants in order to enlist their support, as well as to strengthen the new government. In addition to the above decrees, the Soviet government in 1917 adopted the following decrees: Decree on the press (October 27) - a ban on the publication of a number of right-wing newspapers that opposed Soviet power; Decree on the eight-hour working day in industry (October 29); Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia (November 2) - the proclamation of the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia, the right to free self-determination up to secession; Decree on the destruction of estates, civil, court and military ranks and the introduction of a single name - a citizen of the Russian Republic (November 11); Decree on the organization of the Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKh) (December 2) - the creation of a body for the implementation of the nationalization of industry and the management of nationalized enterprises; Decree on the formation of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage (VChK) (December 7) - the creation of the first punitive body of Soviet power to combat its opponents. In the difficult conditions of the post-October formation of Soviet power, the Bolsheviks agreed to a political alliance with the Left SRs. On November 17, 1917, three representatives of this party (A.L. Kolegaev, I.Z. Sternberg, P.P. Proshyan) joined the Council of People's Commissars. The coalition of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries lasted until March 1918, when, in protest against the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries withdrew from the Soviet government. Constituent Assembly and its fate. At the beginning of the XX century. the demand for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly in Russia was contained in the programs of most political parties of the liberal and socialist persuasion. From February 1917 this demand became universal. On March 25, 1917, by a decree of the Provisional Government, a Special Meeting was convened to develop a draft regulation on elections to the Constituent Assembly. As a result, a fairly democratic electoral law was prepared, introducing universal (including women and military personnel) direct and equal suffrage by secret ballot without any qualifications, except for age (for all - 20 years, for military personnel - 18 years). But the elections were postponed under various pretexts, their date was postponed several times. At first they were appointed for September 17, then they were postponed until November 12, 1917. At this time, the initiative passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks. Having seized power, they achieved the adoption by the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets of decrees on land and peace, which met the basic aspirations of the peoples of Russia, so the Bolsheviks, having carried out elections to the Constituent Assembly and did not win them (they received only 23,9% of the vote, the Socialist-Revolutionaries - 40% , Mensheviks - 2,3%, Cadets - 4,7%, etc.), managed to disperse the Constituent Assembly on January 6, 1918 after the majority that won the national elections rejected the Bolsheviks' proposal to approve the "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People", that is, it did not recognize Soviet power and its decrees. As a result, the Bolsheviks retained power in the country. However, their dispersal of the Constituent Assembly ruled out civil peace and the democratic development of the country. After the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks quickly implemented additional measures to strengthen the Soviet statehood. On January 10, 1918, the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies, which opened in Petrograd, proclaimed the Russian Soviet Republic. The congress adopted: "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People", rejected by the Constituent Assembly; the law "On the socialization of land", which approved the principles of egalitarian land use; resolution "On Federal Institutions of the Russian Republic". In addition, the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government was renamed the Workers' and Peasants' Government of the Russian Soviet Republic and sanction was given to dissolve the Constituent Assembly. Russia's exit from the war and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany. In November 1917, the Bolsheviks began work on the implementation of the Decree on Peace. People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs L.D. Trotsky addressed the heads of all the belligerent states with a proposal to conclude a general democratic peace. However, only the countries of the German block expressed their consent to negotiations. The Bolsheviks linked the issues of war and peace with the idea of a world revolution, the victory of socialism on an international scale through a revolutionary war and assistance to the proletariat of other countries in the fight against the bourgeoisie. Within the Bolshevik Party itself there was no consensus on this issue. IN AND. Lenin insisted on concluding a separate peace with Germany in order to preserve Soviet power in the face of the collapse of the army and the economic crisis. "Left communists" headed by N.I. Bukharin insisted on continuing the revolutionary war, which, in their opinion, should have led to a world revolution. A compromise and at the same time paradoxical position was taken by L.D. Trotsky, who expressed it in the formula: "We stop the war, we demobilize the army, but we do not sign peace." He believed that Germany was incapable of making major offensives and apparently overestimated the revolutionary potential of European workers. In this regard, the initial tactics of the Bolshevik delegation at the talks that began in Brest-Litovsk was based on the principles of delaying the negotiation process, since it was believed that a socialist revolution was about to break out in Europe. But these were only illusory expectations. On January 28, 1918, the Soviet delegation headed by L.D. Trotsky at the talks refused to accept the German terms of the peace treaty, interrupted them and left Brest-Litovsk. On February 18, 1918, the Germans launched an offensive along the entire Eastern Front and advanced significantly inland. On February 23, 1918, Soviet Russia received a new German ultimatum with even more difficult peace conditions. Through the incredible efforts of V.I. Lenin managed to get the consent of the party and Soviet leadership to accept the terms of the peace treaty. On March 3, 1918, a peace treaty was signed in Brest-Litovsk between Soviet Russia and the states of the German-Austrian bloc. Russia was losing a territory of 1 million square kilometers: Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, Belarus, Ukraine, as well as the cities of Kars, Ardagan and Batum, which were transferred to Turkey. The treaty obligated Soviet Russia to demobilize the army and navy, establish customs duties favorable to Germany, and pay indemnity. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany confirmed the defeat of Russia in the First World War. 15.5. Russia during the Civil War and intervention Causes, beginning and periodization. A civil war is an armed struggle between different groups of the population, which was based on deep socio-economic, political, national and psychological contradictions, which became its causes. The all-encompassing Civil War in Russia was also led by the resistance of the former ruling classes, who lost power and property, and the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, and the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, and the activities of the Bolshevik food detachments and commanders in the countryside, which led to an aggravation of relations between the Soviet government and peasantry. Of great importance were the psychological attitudes in society towards the readiness to resolve issues with the help of violence and military operations, largely acquired during the First World War. In Russia, the Civil War was accompanied by foreign intervention, which was due to the desire of foreign countries to recover their debts and property, and to prevent the spread of the world revolution, the vital importance of which the Bolsheviks had been talking about all along. The educational literature preserves the tradition of starting the history of the Civil War from the spring-summer of 1918 and distinguishing the following main stages: May-November 1918 - the struggle of Soviet power with the so-called "democratic counter-revolution" (former members of the Constituent Assembly, representatives of the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, etc.); the beginning of the military intervention of the Entente; November 1918 - March 1919 - the main battles on the southern front of the country (Red Army - Denikin's army); the strengthening and failure of the Entente's direct intervention; March 1919 - March 1920 - the main military operations on the Eastern Front (Red Army - Kolchak's army); April-November 1920 - Soviet-Polish war; the defeat of Wrangel's troops in the Crimea; 1921-1922 - the end of the Civil War on the outskirts of Russia. Military-political forces and movements "White movement". It was formed in November 1917 in the south of Russia, in Novocherkassk, by creating military officer formations. But the officers misunderstood the nature of the struggle and did not realize the need to put forward a program acceptable to the people. They believed that their only task was to defeat the Red Army. The "Whites" were unable to establish constructive cooperation with other anti-Bolshevik forces, they were suspicious of the workers and peasants. To a large extent, this explains their historic defeat in the Civil War. "Red" (Bolsheviks). They believed that the revolution and the Civil War were inseparable, so they prepared for it and created military formations. At first it was the Red Guard, and then the massive regular Red Army. With the help of violence, terror, the most cruel centralism in all spheres of the life of society, the Bolsheviks tipped the scales in their favor. "Democratic counter-revolution". After the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks, a real chance to prevent the Civil War was missed. As a result of the Czechoslovak revolt in the spring of 1918 and the actions of anti-Bolshevik forces in Russia, an open confrontation began. In Samara, the so-called committee of the Constituent Assembly arose, headed by the Social Revolutionary V. Volsky, in Omsk - the provisional Siberian government headed by P. Vologodsky, in Arkhangelsk - the supreme government of the Northern Region, headed by N.V. Tchaikovsky and others. But by the autumn of 1918, the military defeats of the opponents of the Bolsheviks from among the socialists removed the question of "democratic counter-revolution" from the agenda. "Greens". This was the name of the peasant movement during the Civil War, which opposed both the "Reds" and the "Whites". Of the most significant, one can single out the movement led by N.I. Makhno (he created the "Republic of Gulyai-Pole") and the peasant uprising in the Tambov province led by A.S. Antonova. national movements. One of the important lines of the Civil War is national movements, namely: the struggle for gaining independent statehood and secession from Russia. This was most clearly manifested in Ukraine. In Kyiv, after the February Revolution, in March 1917, the Central Rada was created, reflecting the Ukrainian national idea. In January 1918, she entered into an agreement with the Austro-German command and declared independence. Then power, with the support of the Germans, passed to Hetman P.P. Skoropadsky (April-December 1918). In November 1918, a Directory arose in Ukraine, headed by S.V. Petliura. In January 1919 the Directory declared war on Soviet Russia. But S.V. Petliura had to confront both the Red Army and Denikin's army, which fought for a united and indivisible Russia. In October 1919, the "White" army defeated the Petliurists, but was defeated in the attack on Bolshevik Moscow. In other territories of the former Russian Empire, national movements were more successful (in Poland, Finland, the Baltic states, etc.) Politics of war communism (1918-1920) The Bolsheviks, having gained power, not only inherited the ruined economy of the country, but also state distribution and production in wartime conditions. The grain monopoly (that is, obligatory deliveries to the state) arose in 1916 as an economic measure to solve the food problem at the front and in the rear. Consequently, some principles and measures, which later referred to the military-communist, existed long before the spring of 1918. By this time, the situation had become even more aggravated, war and famine had done their job. The central regions of the country were cut off from the grain regions, and in May 1918 a food dictatorship and a system of emergency measures had to be introduced. All this was superimposed on the communist doctrine, according to which the new society was presented in the form of a state - a commune without commodity-money relations, replaced by direct product exchange between town and countryside. By the middle of 1918, the policy of war communism gradually took shape, which included the following directions: the nationalization of industry, including medium and small; the grain monopoly and, somewhat later, the introduction of a surplus appraisal; naturalization of economic relations and prohibition of private trade; state centralized distribution of food and goods according to cards and the class principle; the introduction of universal labor service and the militarization of labor; the prohibition of the lease of land and the use of hired labor in agriculture. Not all of these measures were fully implemented during the period of war communism. Thus, a spontaneously operating "black market" and railway bagging arose. The policy of war communism had the most profound and negative impact on the basic methods of directing social and economic development. Power methods, transferred from the emergency situation, have become the main ones for regulating all aspects of society. Soviet power did not have a clearly defined economic policy. This applies to war communism, and to the New Economic Policy, and to the administrative-command system. War communism consisted of hasty, forced, and emergency measures backed up by supposedly socialist theory. The results of war communism, as well as its essence, turned out to be contradictory. In military and political terms, he was successful, as he ensured the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Civil War and allowed them to retain power. But the victory stimulated the spirit of the barracks, militarism, violence and terror. The economic results of war communism were deplorable. The industrial production of the country has decreased by seven times compared with 1913, agricultural - by 40%. Coal mining was 1/3 of the pre-war level. In 1920 iron smelting fell by half compared to pre-war levels. The situation was difficult in transport: 31 railways did not work, trains with bread got stuck on the way. Due to the lack of raw materials, fuel and labor, most of the factories and plants were inactive. More than 400 enterprises were closed in Moscow alone. Gross agricultural output in 1921 was 60% of the level of 1913. The number of livestock and livestock products decreased. The sown area decreased by 25% in 1920, and the yield by 43% (in relation to 1913). A crop failure in 1920, a drought in 1921, a famine in the Volga region, in the North Caucasus, and in part of Ukraine, killed about 5 million people. The results and consequences of the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Civil War. The civil war, which ended with the victory of the Bolsheviks, became a dramatic test for the country, for the winners and the vanquished. Historians identify a whole range of reasons that contributed to the victory of Soviet power. Its main factor is the support of the Bolsheviks by the vast majority of the population - the peasantry, who, according to the Decree on Land, received satisfaction of their age-old agrarian requirements (destruction of landowners' land ownership, withdrawal of land from trade, allotment of land). Other reasons include successes in state and military construction, and the subordination of the entire life of Soviet society to the interests of armed struggle, and the lack of military, ideological, political and social unity in the ranks of opponents of the Bolsheviks. The civil war had colossally grave consequences for Russia. The economic complex was largely destroyed. Industrial production was sharply reduced, transport was paralyzed, and agriculture was in crisis. Serious changes have taken place in the social structure of society. The former ruling social strata (landlords, bourgeoisie) were liquidated, but the workers also suffered social losses, the number of which decreased by half, declassing processes took place among them. The peasantry, being the main social group, managed to survive and escape from complete collapse. Human losses during the Civil War were very high, although an accurate calculation could not be made. According to various estimates, they ranged from 4 to 18 million people, taking into account the combat losses of all sides, the victims of the "white" and "red" terror, who died of starvation and disease, and emigrants. The civil war is the suffering and tragedy of the whole people. Topic 16. The country of the Soviets in the 1920s 16.1. Socio-economic and political crisis in the early 1920s. Transition to NEP (1921-1928/29) The policy of war communism after the end of the Civil War did not meet the interests of the people. The dissatisfaction of the peasants with the surplus appropriation, which continued to increase every year, led to a reduction in sown areas, a decrease in yields, and a decrease in the supply of grain to the state. A wave of peasant uprisings and anti-Soviet rebellions swept across the country: in Ukraine, in Siberia, Central Asia, in the Tambov, Voronezh and Saratov provinces. The military anti-communist mutiny of sailors in Kronstadt in March 1921 was a socio-political crisis that threatened the existence of Soviet power. The turn to the New Economic Policy (NEP) was carried out under the strong pressure of general discontent in the country in order to normalize domestic economic, social and political relations. Initially, the NEP laid down the duality and inconsistency between the socialist and market principles, politics and economics, etc. First direction reforms were carried out with the aim of strengthening the socialized state forms in the economy and implied the expansion of planning principles (the formation of the State Planning Commission), the strengthening of state control and regulation (the activities of the Rabkrin, the opening of the State Bank, the beginning of the stabilization of the currency), the concentration of production, the expansion of distribution relations (between the leading industries, the largest enterprises ). For the development of this direction, the full power of state institutions and ideological support was used within the framework of the concept of building socialism. Second direction reforms - the activation of market, private capitalist relations. For this, a block of relations new in comparison with war communism was formed. To develop this direction, a set of measures was carried out to promote the functioning of commodity-money relations: the transition from food appropriation to food tax, the permission of free trade and private industry, the leasing of state-owned enterprises, concessions, and the provision of freedom to the peasantry in the use of land, inventory, labor. The prospects for this direction of reform were limited in scope (mainly in the sphere of small-scale production), time (for a long time, but not forever), growth potential (without threatening the interests of the political domination of the dictatorship of the proletariat). The first step in the transition to NEP was the decisions of the 1921th Congress of the RCP(b) (March XNUMX), at which the question "On the replacement of apportionment with tax in kind" was discussed. V.I. Lenin, and with a co-report - A.D. Tsyurupa. IN AND. Lenin drew two main conclusions: first, "only an agreement with the peasantry can save the socialist revolution in Russia until the revolution breaks out in other countries"; secondly, "we should not try to hide anything, but should say bluntly that the peasantry is dissatisfied with the form of relations that we have established with them, that they do not want this form of relations and will not continue to exist like this." At the Tenth Congress, Lenin's proposal was adopted to replace the apportionment with a tax in kind. Tax in kind was introduced on 13 types of food, technical and fodder crops. Everything that remained with the peasants after the tax was paid was completely at their disposal. The tax in kind was almost half the apportionment, and most of it was levied on the wealthy peasantry. The poorest peasants and collective farms were exempted from the tax or received more significant benefits. The size of the tax in kind was reported to the peasant in advance, that is, on the eve of the sowing season, so the peasant could expand the area under crops, get more food surpluses and then sell them at a free price on the market. With the introduction of the tax in kind, the way was opened for free trade, initially limited by the scope of local turnover, i.e., the place of residence of the peasants. But already in August-September 1921, the authorities were forced to abolish state barter, embark on the path of emancipation of commodity-money relations, and the widespread use of market methods of management. Trade has become the main form of bond between the city and the countryside. For the further formation of the market, it was necessary to revive the industry, to increase the output of its products. To do this, during the transition to the NEP, the denationalization of small and, partially, medium-sized enterprises was carried out. On May 17, 1921, a resolution of the Council of People's Commissars was adopted, in accordance with which it was proposed to take measures to develop handicraft and small-scale industry both in the form of private enterprises and in the form of cooperatives. On August 9, 1921, the "Order of the Council of People's Commissars on the Implementation of the Beginnings of the New Economic Policy" was adopted, containing the initial principles of the work of industry in the conditions of the New Economic Policy: the development of industry was supposed to be carried out within the framework of a single general economic plan under the leadership of the State Planning Commission; the management of the national economy was restructured, its excessive centralization was weakened; instead of labor mobilization, workers began to be hired; their material incentives were introduced, the salary was calculated depending on the qualifications and the quantity of products produced. State enterprises were transferred to economic accounting, which expanded their rights, it became possible to independently resolve issues of procurement of raw materials and the sale of finished products. In the city, it was allowed to open or lease small industrial and commercial enterprises to cooperatives, partnerships, other associations or private individuals. On October 6, 1922, the Land Code was adopted. The peasants received the right to freely leave the rural community and choose the forms of land use. The lease of land and the use of hired labor were allowed in an extremely limited amount. Individual peasants provided 98,5% of all agricultural products. By 1922 the rationing system had been largely abolished. By the spring of 1923, the transition of the economy to a market economy was generally completed. In 1922-1924. a monetary reform was carried out[21] (its main authors were the Council of People's Commissars of Finance G. Sokolnikov and Professor L. Yurovsky). A hard currency was introduced - chervonets. The new currency was used primarily for wholesale trade. One chervonets was equal to ten royal gold rubles, but it was exchanged for gold only in settlements with foreign partners. The rapid development of the market made it possible to eliminate the budget deficit by the beginning of 1924. The need to issue Soviet signs has disappeared. In retail trade, where they circulated, they were replaced by treasury notes (in rubles), which have a certain ratio with chervonets. The exchange was based on the following calculation: one ruble of treasury notes was equal to 50 rubles in Soviet signs. One hard convertible currency appeared in the country, which was accepted for circulation on Western exchanges that had ties with the USSR. The country's economic successes during the NEP period were obvious. By the beginning of 1922, the rise of the national economy was clearly visible, the country was fed and clothed. Cooperation gained momentum. In 1925, the gross grain harvest exceeded the average annual harvest in 10,7-1909 by 1913%. By 1927, the pre-war level in animal husbandry had been reached. Food consumption in 1927 exceeded the level of pre-revolutionary Russia. This advantage applied to rural residents. On the whole, the national economy of the USSR in the economic year 1927/28 reached the level of industrial production in Russia in 1913. At the same time, many complex problems began to arise during the NEP period. One of them is the cyclical nature of the economy with serious crises in 1923, 1925 and 1927-1928. In the autumn of 1923, the so-called sales crisis broke out. The rural population was unable to buy the urgently needed manufactured goods at existing prices, with which all warehouses and shops were packed. This situation provoked a response from the peasants: they began to delay the transfer of grain to state storage facilities under the tax in kind. Soon the Bolsheviks were forced to restore price parity, lower industrial selling prices, and the sales crisis was eliminated. Grain procurement crises in 1925 and 1927-1928. were also caused by disproportions in the structural and pricing policy of the government in relation to the city and the countryside. The Bolsheviks saw the way out of crisis situations mainly through the prism of administrative methods of regulating the economy. In Russian society in the second half of the 1920s. dissatisfaction with the NEP on the part of various social groups began to manifest itself more and more clearly. The new economic policy was met with hostility by the party and state apparatus, as it had to abandon the method of command decisions. Commodity-money relations demanded a flexible professional policy, knowledge and experience. However, the apparatus did not have sufficient incentives for this, since it had its own social guarantees (and quite good ones), regardless of the efficiency of work. In addition, the NEP objectively led to an increase in unemployment, including among managers: by January 1924, among the 1 million unemployed, there were 750 thousand former employees. This problem was very painful and exacerbated the social contradictions in the country. In the countryside, the stratification of the peasants intensified, wage labor was permitted, and exploitation increased in the countryside. NEP undermined the social security of those who were accustomed to living on the principle of mutual responsibility when there was a community. That part of the peasantry, which was connected not with commodity production, but with subsistence farming, was significantly reduced during the NEP years. A huge number of immigrants who poured into the city dissolved the industrial proletariat. Wealthy peasant kulaks were also dissatisfied with the NEP policy, which was identified with high taxes, "scissors" in prices between industrial and agricultural products. The working class did not become the social support that would fight and defend the principles of NEP. Cost accounting did not reach workplaces, it was purely trust-based and was supported by administrative means. Therefore, the worker did not see the material benefit from obtaining the final results. As a result, those dissatisfied with the NEP in the "lower classes" (the poor and farm laborers in the countryside, the unemployed, low-skilled workers and employees) were united in its rejection with the "top" (the party and state apparatus). The fate of the NEP was sealed. 16.2. Formation of the USSR The Bolsheviks understood that they needed a single, strong state as a stronghold for the deployment of the future world revolution and building a socialist society in their own country. This was facilitated by common economic ties and the historically established division of labor between the emerging Soviet republics, the desire for common external security, the uniformity of the state system and the fact that a single political party, the RCP (b), was in power, which included republican communist parties as regional party organizations. In 1920-1922. all Soviet republics that formed on the territory of the former Russian Empire (RSFSR, Belorussian, Ukrainian, Azerbaijan, Armenian, Georgian SSR, as well as the Bukhara, Khorezm and Far Eastern republics) concluded agreements on a military, economic and diplomatic union. In March 1922, the Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (TSFSR) emerged, which included Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. In August 1922, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) created a commission to consider the relationship between the RSFSR and other Soviet republics, headed by V.V. Kuibyshev. I.V. played a decisive role in it. Stalin, who was then People's Commissar for Nationalities, and from April 1922 - General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). He developed a draft resolution of the commission "On the relations of the RSFSR with the independent republics", which provided for the entry of the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Transcaucasian republics into the RSFSR as autonomous, and with Bukhara, Khorezm and the Far Eastern Republic it was proposed to maintain the already existing contractual relations. Project I.V. Stalin received a mixed assessment in party and state circles. In the autumn of 1922, these materials were sent to V.I. Lenin, who proposed instead of the Stalinist plan of autonomization a new form of state association - the formation of a new union state as a federation of republics with equal rights. In October 1922, the Leninist plan was discussed and approved at all levels of the republican leadership, as well as at the congresses of Soviets. On December 30, 1922, the First All-Union Congress of Soviets declared the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and determined the system and competences of the union authorities. On January 31, 1924, the II All-Union Congress of Soviets of the USSR approved the first Constitution of the USSR. 16.3. Domestic political struggle for power and the establishment of a regime of personal power I.V. Stalin The struggle for power among the leaders of the Bolshevik Party began in the last years of V.I. Lenin. Due to illness, from the end of 1922, he actually retired from the leadership of the party and the country, but managed to dictate a number of letters and articles. The key was the "Letter to the Congress", where he warned the Bolsheviks against a possible split, factional struggle, bureaucratization and gave characteristics to the most significant figures of the party: I.V. Stalin, L.D. Trotsky, G.E. Zinoviev, L.B. Kamenev, N.I. Bukharin and G.L. Pyatakov. According to V.I. Lenin, the main danger was in the relationship between L.D. Trotsky and I.V. Stalin, which could lead to a split. I.V. Stalin, who concentrated enormous power in his hands, he assessed very impartially, noting his rudeness, capriciousness, intolerance to criticism, and proposed to remove him from the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). After the death of V.I. Lenin's "Letter to the Congress" was reported to the delegates of the XIII Congress of the RCP (b) (May 1924), but I.V. Stalin managed to retain the highest party post. The internal political struggle was due to both the personal ambitions of the leaders and disagreements on the problems of party-political and economic relations in the country and the world. I.V. Stalin in 1923-1924 formed together with G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev, an unofficial leading troika. At the same time, he tried to establish contact with N.I. Bukharin. Together with these allies, he opposed L.D. Trotsky, who claimed to be the successor to V.I. Lenin. As a result, L.D. Trotsky was accused of trying to become a dictator, and in January 1925 he was removed from the posts of people's commissar for military and naval affairs and chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, which was the beginning of the end of his political career. In the autumn of 1925, the Stalin-Zinoviev-Kamenev triumvirate broke up. Fear of the growing political power of I.V. Stalin led to the creation of G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev of the "new opposition", which was defeated in December 1925 at the XIV Congress of the CPSU (b). In 1926 L.D. Trotsky, G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev rallied to fight I.V. Stalin, but this was done very late, since the positions of I.V. Stalin and his supporters became very strong, and the so-called "united opposition" at the end of 1927 was defeated. All prominent representatives of this bloc were expelled from the party. L.D. Trotsky was exiled to Alma-Ata in 1928, and in 1929 he was deported from the USSR. In 1940, he was killed in Mexico by an agent of the Soviet special services. And finally, in 1928-1930. it was the turn of the group N.I. Bukharin, A.I. Rykov and M.P. Tomsky, who previously actively helped I.V. Stalin in the fight against other oppositionists. During the period of the collapse of the NEP and the beginning of the forced reconstruction of Soviet society, they expressed views other than Stalin's on the Party's policy in the countryside, on questions about the pace and methods of socialist construction. They were accused of "right deviation" and removed from leadership positions. As a result, the regime of personal power of I.V. was established in the country. Stalin, which soon turned into a cult of personality. 16.4. Foreign policy The foreign policy of the Soviet state in the 1920s. was aimed at the implementation of two mutually exclusive tasks, which determined its dualism (duality) and inconsistency. On the one hand, the Bolsheviks continued to believe in the world revolution, helped the world communist and workers' movement and specially created the Third International (Comintern) for this purpose in 1919. On the other hand, the bet on an early world revolution did not materialize, and the Soviet government was forced to pursue a policy of establishing normal interstate and trade and economic relations with foreign countries. At the same time, the defense capability was strengthened and any attempts to encroach on the country's territory were repelled. One of the main tasks of Soviet Russia was the settlement of relations with neighboring states. In 1920, agreements were concluded with Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia[22] and Finland.[23] In 1921, the Treaty of Riga was signed with Poland,[24] which resulted in the stabilization of the western border. In the same year, agreements were signed with the southern neighbors: Iran, Turkey and Afghanistan. Gradually began the normalization of relations with the leading capitalist powers. In March 1921, a Soviet-British trade agreement was concluded. Great Britain, and after it other countries, without officially recognizing the Soviet state, nevertheless, developed foreign economic relations with our country. In the spring of 1922 (from April 10 to May 19), the Soviet delegation headed by People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs G.V. Chicherin took part in an international conference in the Italian city of Genoa. The main issue of the conference is the fate of foreign capital nationalized in Russia and the debts of the tsarist and Provisional governments. The Soviet side was ready to admit debts, but taking into account compensation for its own losses incurred during the years of the Civil War and foreign intervention. It was not possible to resolve these issues at the conference. On April 16, 1922, during the conference in Genoa, Germany and Soviet Russia concluded an agreement according to which the parties renounced mutual claims and resumed diplomatic relations. Subsequently, this developed into close economic and military cooperation. In 1923 the international position of the USSR became more complicated. On May 8, 1923, the British government sent a note to the Soviet government, which became known as Curzon's ultimatum (named after the British Foreign Secretary). In it, the USSR was accused of pursuing an anti-British policy in the East and within 10 days had to fulfill a number of conditions (withdraw Soviet representatives from Iran and Afghanistan, release British fishing vessels arrested in Soviet territorial waters, etc.). The leadership of the Soviet Union did not want to aggravate relations and made concessions, so the situation returned to normal. In 1924-1925. the Soviet Union was recognized diplomatically by major world powers. In 1924, diplomatic relations were established with Great Britain, France, Italy, Norway, Sweden, Austria, Greece, Denmark, Mexico, and Japan. Of the leading countries, only the United States remained in the position of non-recognition of the USSR. In 1927, relations with Great Britain escalated again. Diplomatic and trade relations were severed, restored only in 1929. In the summer of 1929, a Soviet-Chinese conflict arose over the CER. China seized Soviet institutions there, arrested Soviet citizens and established full control over the CER. In October-November 1929, through the efforts of a special Far Eastern army under the command of V.K. Blucher, the grouping of Chinese troops in the CER strip was defeated. On December 22, 1929, in Khabarovsk, a protocol was signed between the USSR and China on the restoration of Soviet jurisdiction over the CER. In general, the foreign policy of the USSR in the 1920s. developed dynamically, despite the costs caused by the dualism of its main directions. Topic 17. Forced modernization of Soviet society in the 1930s 17.1. The collapse of the NEP The immediate reason for the curtailment of the NEP was another grain procurement crisis in the winter of 1927-1928. In November, the supply of agricultural products to state institutions fell sharply, and in December the situation became catastrophic. The country was in a very difficult situation. Despite a good harvest, the peasants delivered only 300 million poods of grain (this was 130 million less than in the previous year). The export of bread was jeopardized. The country was left without the currency needed for industrialization. The question of the food supply of the cities remained open. The situation was seriously complicated due to lower purchase prices, the high cost and shortage of industrial goods, confusion at grain delivery points, and rumors about the outbreak of war spread in the countryside. I.V. Stalin, seeing what was happening, put forward a theory about the aggravation of the class struggle in the country as we move towards the construction of socialism and called for the "rejection" of the NEP. To get out of this situation, I.V. Stalin and his entourage decided to resort to urgent and emergency measures, similar to the surplus appropriation of the times of war communism and the Civil War. 30 communists were mobilized for grain procurement as "security officers." They were instructed to carry out a purge in unreliable village councils and party cells, to create "troikas" on the ground, which were to find hidden surpluses, and to prosecute all unreliable people. Withdrawal of surpluses and repression deepened the crisis. In response, the peasants reduced their sown areas the following year. From the lessons of the grain procurement crisis in the winter of 1927-1928. I.V. Stalin made a number of conclusions that were voiced in many of his speeches in May-June 1928. The main one was that it was necessary to shift the focus from cooperation to the creation of "pillars of socialism" in the countryside in the form of collective farms and machine and tractor stations (MTS) . Consequently, cooperation as one of the leading principles of the New Economic Policy was replaced by coercive-administrative forms of relations between the state and the peasants. I.V. Stalin in 1928 no longer believed in the New Economic Policy and was preparing to liquidate it. Agricultural indicators in 1928-1929 were catastrophic. Despite a number of repressive measures in relation not only to wealthy peasants, but also, mainly, to the middle peasants (confiscation of bread in case of refusal to sell products to the state at purchase prices, three times less than market prices), in the winter of 1928-1929. the country received less grain than a year ago. The situation in the village became extremely tense. The number of livestock has decreased. In February 1929, ration cards reappeared in the cities, canceled after the end of the Civil War. The apparent lagging behind agriculture from industry (industrialization began, and most of the material resources were invested in industry) allowed I.V. Stalin to declare the agrarian sector the main and only culprit of the crisis, therefore the agrarian sector, according to the Bolsheviks, had to be reorganized in the most radical way, which consisted in rapid and decisive collectivization. Most of the individual peasants were supposed to be united into collective farms, and thus eliminate the dependence of the state on private grain procurements. 17.2. Industrialization of the country (1928-1941) By the mid 1920s. the restoration of the national economy was completed, which meant the achievement of the pre-war (i.e., 1913) level of economic development. However, the Soviet state continued to lag behind the leading world powers in terms of the main industrial indicators, so the problems of industrial modernization became the main ones - this economic policy was called "socialist industrialization". The course towards industrialization was determined at the XIV Congress of the CPSU (b) in December 1925, where the task was set of transforming the USSR from a country importing machinery and equipment into a country producing them. The main features of the first five-year plan (1928-1932) were high rates, short deadlines, emphasis on the construction of heavy industry enterprises, the use of internal sources of accumulation (transfer of funds from the countryside, loans from the population, etc.). During the five-year plan, 1500 industrial facilities were built (Dneproges, Magnitogorsk and Kuznetsk metallurgical plants, Stalingrad and Kharkov tractor plants, automobile plants in Moscow and Nizhny Novgorod, etc.). This was facilitated by the unprecedented sincere enthusiasm of the people, despite the establishment of a command-administrative system for managing the economy and the formation of a totalitarian repressive regime in the country. In January 1933 I.V. Stalin solemnly announced the early fulfillment of the 1st Five-Year Plan in four years and three months. However, in reality, most of the tasks were not completed due to their unreality and excessive growth rates. During the years of the second five-year plan (1933-1937), the trend of the priority development of heavy industry continued. 4500 large national economic enterprises were put into operation. The Ural-Kuznetsk Iron and Steel Works, the Ural and Kramatorsk heavy engineering plants were put into operation. In 1935, the first metro line opened in Moscow. The Stakhanovite movement began, aimed at increasing labor productivity. Aleksey Stakhanov, a miner from the Donbass, in August 1935, during one of his shifts, produced 102 tons of coal, exceeding the norm by 14,5 times. A. Stakhanov's record gained all-Union fame, and his followers soon appeared throughout the country. It was announced that the planned tasks of the second five-year plan were also fulfilled in four years and three months, although this was not true, since for a number of indicators (production of metal and consumer goods, coal mining, etc.) it was not possible to achieve the planned milestones. The Third Five-Year Plan (1938-1942) remained incomplete due to the German attack on the USSR. At the same time, it was possible to stimulate the development of industry, and above all the defense industry, in anticipation of the impending threat. In the eastern regions of the country, backup plants were created, and strategic reserves were formed. In general, over 13 incomplete years of industrialization, our country has managed to carry out accelerated modernization, creating a solid industrial base, ensuring the country's defense capability and economic independence. At the same time, all this was achieved at a too high price paid by our people: both colossal hardships, and a low standard of living, and repressions (the Gulag system had large planned targets for the construction of industrialization facilities), and the folding of the administrative-command control system. 17.3. Collectivization of agriculture The course towards collectivization was proclaimed at the XV Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in December 1927. However, the decisions of the congress spoke of all forms of cooperation, and not just one, production, that is, collective farms, and there was no question of the liquidation of the kulaks as a class. It was supposed to oust the kulaks by economic methods (the application of taxes, changing the conditions for leasing land and hiring workers, etc.). But in 1928-1929. a course was taken to curtail the NEP and complete collectivization, so the decisions of the XV Congress, in essence, were revised. I.V. Stalin called this process "revolution from above". In the spring of 1928, the accelerated creation of collective farms began. In 1929, a slogan calling for complete collectivization was proclaimed, and on November 7, 1929, I.V. Stalin, in his article "The Year of the Great Break", theoretically substantiated such a policy. He argued that middle peasants en masse went to the collective farms (in fact, they were only 6-7% of the total number of peasants). On January 30, 1930, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks approved the decision to liquidate the kulaks. Dispossession, confiscation of property, arrests and deportations to remote areas personified the policy of complete collectivization. Mass peasant discontent grew in the country. Fearing this, on March 2, 1930, I.V. Stalin published an article "Dizzy with Success" in which he denounced the "excesses" in collective farm construction and blamed the local leadership for them. But in essence, the policy towards the countryside and the peasantry remained the same. On August 7, 1932, the resolution of the Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR "On the protection of the property of state enterprises, collective farms and cooperation and the strengthening of public (socialist) property" came into force, popularly called the "law on spikelets". It was planned to be shot for embezzlement on an especially large scale or exile for up to 10 years for theft of collective farm and collective property. In practice, this law was applied without regard for the distinction between grand theft and petty theft. One of the most tragic pages of collectivization was the famine of 1932-1933, which engulfed Ukraine, the Volga region, the North Caucasus, the South Urals and Kazakhstan. It was starving, as I.V. himself later admitted. Stalin, 25-30 million people. This situation has developed due to the forced seizure by the state of grain in the countryside for export and to meet the needs of industrialization. According to various estimates, from 3 to 8 million peasants died of starvation at that time. Collectivization actually had to be suspended. In 1934 collectivization resumed. At this stage, a broad "offensive" was launched against individual peasants. An unbearable administrative tax was established for them. Thus, their farms were brought under ruin. In February 1935, at the II All-Russian Congress of Collective Farmers, a new charter of collective farms was adopted, which fixed collective farms as the main form of agricultural production in the country. By 1937, individual farming had virtually disappeared (93% of all households were united into collective farms). Collectivization had grave consequences for the country. A layer of prosperous peasant kulaks who knew how to work successfully on the land was destroyed, up to 15% of farms recognized as kulak were liquidated, although, according to the 1929 census, there were only 3% of them. There was an alienation of rural residents from property and the results of their labor on the land. Yields, livestock, food consumption per capita have declined. From 1928 to 1935, the country had a rationing system for distributing products among the population. Collective farms were deprived of independence and were a disenfranchised appendage of the administrative-bureaucratic apparatus of power. And the aggravated food problem under the Soviet regime became a constant attribute of people's existence. 17.4. Characteristics of Soviet society In historiography, the most common assessment of the social system that emerged in the USSR in the 1930s was totalitarianism, i.e., a state system that exercised complete control over all spheres of public life. The Stalinist regime was a kind of state totalitarianism, under which a mobilization-type system took shape. One of the main forms in the management and functioning of Soviet society in the 1930s. there were repressions. All the difficulties and failures in the implementation of modernization, domestic and foreign policy were explained by the intrigues of numerous enemies (traitors, wreckers and saboteurs), who, with the help of the people, were identified by the state security agencies and over which open and closed trials were held. To justify the repressions of I.V. Stalin in June 1928 put forward the thesis of the intensification of the class struggle in the country as we move towards socialism. The first political process was the "Shakhty case" (May-June 1928), when 53 engineering and technical workers of Donbass were accused of sabotage, five of them were shot. In the early 1930s the case of the so-called "Labor Peasant Party" was fabricated, headed by well-known scientists N.D. Kondratiev and A.V. Chayanov, who were accused of sabotage and allegedly interfered with collectivization. They were shot. A new surge of repressions began after the assassination in Smolny on December 1, 1934 of the head of the Leningrad party organization S.M. Kirov. This made it possible for I.V. Stalin to carry out reprisals against all whom he suspected of political disloyalty. In January 1935, the first trial of the leaders of the "new opposition" G.E. took place. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev. In August 1936, a new open trial was held over them and their associates. They were accused of complicity in the assassination of Kirov and the creation of a "Trotsky-Zinoviev terrorist center." All 16 convicts were shot. In 1937 there were repressions in the Red Army. M.N. Tukhachevsky, I.E. Yakir and other military leaders were sentenced to death by a military tribunal. In March 1938, a political trial took place in Moscow in the case of the "anti-Soviet Right-Trotsky bloc." N.I. Bukharin, A.I. Rykov and other party leaders were convicted and shot. The true extent of the repressions is still unknown. There are no exact data based on documents. Various figures are given of those repressed during the period of Stalin's rule - from 3,7 to 19,8 million people. The atmosphere of fear and repression was combined with the proclamation of Soviet democratic rights and freedoms, enshrined in the Constitution of the USSR, adopted on December 5, 1936. In fact, it was a formally declarative document, where the appearance of a totalitarian state with unlimited power by I. AT. Stalin and a powerful repressive apparatus. The results of the accelerated modernization of Soviet society in the 1930s. historically cannot be assessed only from a negative point of view. It was possible to carry out industrialization, raise the level of education, achieve significant success in the scientific field, create a system of social security for the population and, most importantly, defeat fascism in the Great Patriotic War. Topic 18. Great Patriotic War 18.1. Foreign policy of the USSR and international relations in the 1930s During the world economic crisis of 1929-1933. the contradictions escalated and the rivalry of the leading powers intensified, which led to the destruction of the Versailles-Washington system and a change in the balance of power in Europe and the world as a whole. Germany sought to take revenge for the defeat in the First World War and sought to revise the terms of the Versailles Treaty, which were humiliating for it. Under these conditions, she was deprived of colonies, the right to have a submarine fleet, tank formations, military aviation and heavy artillery. The country abolished compulsory military service. The Rhineland was declared demilitarized. Germany was obliged to pay reparations to the Entente countries. It has turned into a kind of pariah state in Europe, with infringed national and material interests. The National Socialist Workers' Party, which came to power in the country in 1933, launched preparations for the redivision of the world. Germany openly began to violate the articles of the Treaty of Versailles. During 1933-1935. it eliminated all restrictions on rearmament. Italy, whose main demand was the revision of the colonial territories in Africa, and Japan were preparing to enter the struggle for the redivision of the world, for the establishment of monopoly domination in Asia. In 1935 fascist Italy captured Ethiopia; in 1936, Italy and Germany supported the fascists in Spain, undertaking a large-scale armed intervention in the civil war, which led to the establishment of a fascist dictatorship in 1939 in this country. Japan back in 1931-1932. annexed Manchuria, and in 1937 started a war against China. The first hotbed of world war arose in Asia. Germany returned the Saarland (1935), remilitarized the Rhineland (1936) and carried out the Anschluss (annexation) of Austria (1938). In the period 1936-1940. Italy, Germany and Japan constituted the Nazi-militarist bloc. Under these conditions, the Soviet Union undertook foreign policy actions to create a barrier to the expansion of aggression. In 1934 the USSR joined the League of Nations and launched a struggle for collective security. In the second half of the 1930s. The Soviet Union signed mutual assistance treaties with France and Czechoslovakia (1935), with Mongolia (1936), and a non-aggression pact with China (1937). The leadership of the USSR condemned Germany's violation of the Treaty of Versailles; after its capture of Austria, it proposed that the great powers take measures to curb the aggressor. However, England and France embarked on the path of a policy of appeasement and silently pushed Germany into war with the USSR, counting on a strong weakening of both countries when it was unleashed. Meanwhile, the scale of aggression in Europe and the East continued to expand. In 1936-1939. the Japanese provoked numerous incidents on the border of the USSR and Manchuria. Military clashes with Japan took place in July-August 1938 in the area of Lake Khasan and in August 1939 on the Khalkhin-Gol River. In both cases, the USSR won victories, but the fact of a possible war with Japan was obvious, and for a number of years significant Soviet military formations were concentrated on the Far Eastern borders. The aggressiveness of Japan quite realistically indicated the prospect of a war on two fronts. The situation in Europe also continued to deteriorate. Germany acted aggressively and expanded its possessions. September 29, 1938 in Munich, the heads of government of Germany, Great Britain, Italy and France (A. Hitler, N. Chamberlain, B. Mussolini and E. Daladier) announced the division of Czechoslovakia. Germany received the Sudetenland. Czechoslovakia lost one-fifth of the territory, where a quarter of the country's population lived and half of all heavy industry was concentrated. The new border with Germany was 40 km from Prague. The Munich Agreement radically changed the situation in Europe, and all security was eliminated. On March 15, 1939, the Nazis occupied the entire territory of Czechoslovakia, which from that moment ceased to exist as an independent state. The Soviet Union was excluded from participation in the solution of the Czechoslovak question. In the current situation, the Anglo-French-Soviet agreement on mutual assistance directed against Nazi Germany seemed to be the most advantageous for the USSR. On August 11, 1939, British and French missions arrived in Moscow for negotiations with the aim of organizing an alliance with the USSR against Nazi Germany. The negotiations stalled. Germany persistently tried to obstruct the agreement on mutual assistance of the three great powers. On August 23, 1939, German Foreign Minister I. von Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow. The signed Soviet-German non-aggression pact (the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) provided that the parties would not carry out aggressive actions and attacks against each other and would not support a third power if one of the parties to the treaty from its side became the object of hostilities. The pact was concluded for a period of 10 years. Upon learning of the conclusion of the pact, the British and French military missions broke off negotiations and left Moscow. Simultaneously with the non-aggression pact, a secret protocol was signed on the division of spheres of interest in Europe, which became the basis for the subsequent illegal actions of the USSR. The protocol reflected the imperial ambitions of I.V. Stalin and allowed the entry of Soviet troops into the Baltic republics, Poland, Bessarabia and, in the future, even into Finland. The secret additional protocol grossly violated the norms of international law. The reorientation towards a sharp rapprochement with Germany was contrary to the Soviet policy of creating collective security in Europe. On September 1, 1939, Germany attacked Poland and started World War II. In a few weeks, Poland was divided. England and France, having declared war on Germany on September 3, 1939, did not provide timely assistance to Poland. The German-Polish war was already being fought near the Soviet borders. September 17, 1939 Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.M. Molotov announced on the radio the internal failure of the Polish state. In addition, he said: "... The Soviet government ordered the High Command of the Red Army to order the troops to cross the border and take under their protection the lives and property of the population of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus." On September 28, 1939, an agreement on friendship and borders with Germany was signed in Moscow. Three protocols were attached to the agreement: one confidential and two secret. The confidential protocol concerned the resettlement to Germany of Germans living in lands occupied by Soviet troops; the secret protocols specified the boundaries of the spheres of interest of both sides. The treaty established the border between Germany and the USSR along the "Curzon Line", recognized as early as 1920, which ran along the rivers Nareva, Western Bug and San. Amendments were made to the secret additional protocol signed on August 23, 1939: Lithuania became the object of the USSR's sphere of interests, and Germany - Lublin and part of the Warsaw Voivodeship of Poland. The signed treaty grossly violated the norms of international law and was deeply immoral. Thus, according to the secret protocol of August 23, 1939, Latvia and Estonia became objects of the sphere of interests of the USSR, and Lithuania, according to the Treaty of Friendship and Borders. In September-October 1939, the Stalinist leadership concluded agreements on mutual assistance with the governments of the Baltic republics, according to which the parties pledged to provide each other with all kinds of assistance, including the creation of military bases in the Baltic region and the deployment of small contingents of Soviet troops on them, which, according to According to the testimony of the last Minister of Foreign Affairs of pre-Soviet Lithuania, J. Urbshnis, did not yet mean the occupation of these territories. The leaders of the Baltic States noted that the Soviet troops did not interfere in the internal affairs of the republics. However, the very fact of the presence of units of the Red Army contributed to the intensification of the actions of the left forces. Eight months later (in June 1940), when hostilities in the West were drawing to a close and the concentration of German troops in East Prussia began, which created a possible threat of a fascist invasion of the Baltic states, the Stalinist leadership presented ultimatums to the governments of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, in which contained demands for the formation of new, pro-Soviet governments and the introduction of additional military units. This clearly contradicted the mutual assistance treaties concluded in 1939. The entry of additional military formations into the territory of the Baltic states caused an ambiguous reaction from the population. In the presence of Soviet troops, the formation of people's governments took place, which in July 1940 proclaimed Soviet power and turned to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR with a request to accept Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia into the USSR. The inclusion in August 1940 of these republics into the Soviet Union was regarded by the international community as an annexation. As a result of these events, the relations of the USSR with England and the USA worsened. In addition, political diktat and the hasty introduction of the Stalinist model of socialism gave rise to mistrust and complicated the internal political situation in the Baltic republics for many decades. The Soviet-Finnish war lasted 105 days - from November 30, 1939 to March 13, 1940. Back in 1917, Finland, which was previously part of the Russian Empire, gained state independence and opted for a bourgeois republic. In accordance with the agreement concluded in 1920 between Soviet Russia and Finland, the border passed 32 km from Petrograd, which destroyed the historically established defense system of the city. Started in the mid 1930s. the intensive political and military rapprochement between Finland and Germany gave rise to justified fears of the USSR regarding the security of its northwestern borders. During 1938-1939. negotiations were held between the two countries on the adoption of measures that would ensure the security of both the northwestern borders of the USSR and Finland itself. But they turned out to be fruitless. I.V. Stalin demanded that Finland cede almost the entire Karelian Isthmus, thereby pushing the border 100 km to the west, and lease the Hanko Peninsula to the USSR for the construction of air and naval bases on it. Instead of Finland, a territory in Soviet Karelia was offered, twice as large in area. The Finnish leadership refused. The political situation was heating up. I.V. Stalin intended to fight with Finland. On November 26, 1939, shots rang out near the border village of Mainily on the Karelian Isthmus. Many circumstances of this incident are still unclear. However, most historians are inclined to recognize the initiative of the Soviet side in unleashing the conflict. On November 29, 1939, Soviet diplomatic and trade representatives were recalled from Finland. On November 30, hostilities began on the border. The war, despite the significant superiority of the Soviet troops (2998 tanks against 86 Finnish, 3253 aircraft against 500 Finnish), acquired a protracted and fierce character. The Finns perceived it as a war "for the freedom and independence of Finland, against aggression, in defense of democracy and peace." The theater of military operations on the territory of Finland was prepared in advance. On the Karelian Isthmus, the Finns erected a powerful strip of fortifications, echeloned among lakes and marshes to a depth of many tens of kilometers, called the "Mannerheim Line". The Finnish army was well organized, armed, disciplined and, unlike the Soviet troops, trained for winter operations in wooded and swampy terrain and off-road conditions. Despite the selfless actions of our soldiers, it was not possible to break through the main line of defense on the move. Only in February 1940 were Soviet troops able to bypass the "Mannerheim Line" and take Vyborg. The Finnish government agreed to peace talks. On March 12, 1940, an armistice was signed. Finland had to accept the conditions offered to it earlier. She ceded to the Soviet Union the entire Karelian Isthmus with Vyborg and the area north of Lake Ladoga, as well as territories in the Kuolajärvi region in the north. The port of Pechenga was returned to Finland. It provided the USSR with its naval base on the Hanko Peninsula for 30 years. At the same time, the course of the Soviet-Finnish war caused sharp discontent among I.V. Stalin. All the blame for the failures was assigned to the People's Commissar of Defense K.E. Voroshilov, whose post in the spring of 1940 was taken by S.K. Timoshenko. The Soviet Union found itself in international isolation. Our country was excluded from the League of Nations as an aggressor. All countries - members of the League of Nations supported Finland in this war. As a result of the war, not only the political, but also the military prestige of the Soviet Union fell. The losses of the Soviet troops in 105 days amounted to 289 people, of which 510 were killed and 74 were missing. The rest were wounded and frostbitten (in the most severe cold, the Red Army soldiers fought in windings and boots, since there were not even boots). Finland lost 17 thousand soldiers in this war. This war showed the poor preparation of the Soviet troops. The Stalinist leadership expected that Hitler would abide by the non-aggression pact signed on August 23, 1939, and in addition, they thought that, taking into account historical experience, Germany would not dare to simultaneously wage war on two fronts. However, such calculations turned out to be untenable. 18.2. The beginning of the Great Patriotic War On June 22, 1941, violating the non-aggression pact, German troops invaded the territory of the USSR along the entire western border: 190 divisions (4,3 million people), 3,5 thousand tanks, 4 thousand Wehrmacht aircraft opposed 170 Soviet divisions (3,3 million people on the western borders). In accordance with the plan for waging war against the USSR ("Plan Barbarossa") approved by A. Hitler back in 1940, it was assumed that three army groups ("North", "Center", "South") would simultaneously deliver massive strikes, the encirclement and destruction of the main forces Red Army, the capture of Moscow and the rapid advance inland to the line Arkhangelsk - Astrakhan. The goal of Germany in the outbreak of the war was not only to seize our territory, liquidate the USSR, but also to ruthlessly destroy the military and civilian population. The Great Patriotic War is divided into three periods. The first period - from June 22, 1941 to November 18, 1942 - includes the strategic defense of the Red Army, the defeat of the Nazi troops near Moscow, the failure of the blitzkrieg. The second period - from November 19, 1942 to December 31, 1943 - is characterized by a radical turning point in the course of the Great Patriotic War. The third period - from January 1, 1944 to May 9, 1945 - is the defeat of the fascist bloc and the unconditional surrender of Germany. From August 9 to September 2, 1945 - the war with Japan. From the first minutes of the war, an extremely difficult situation developed at the front. The troops of the border districts offered courageous resistance to the enemy, but with huge losses, with battles, they had to retreat to the east. The war, having caused a surge of patriotism, became both a nationwide and a personal matter for everyone. On June 23, the supreme body of strategic leadership of the Armed Forces was formed - the Headquarters of the High Command (since August 8 - the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command). On June 29, the Directive of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was issued on the transformation of the country into a single military camp. On June 30, the State Defense Committee (GKO) was created under the chairmanship of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks I.V. Stalin. All power in the state was concentrated in the hands of the GKO. Martial law was introduced, mobilization was announced, the formation of a people's militia began, and a partisan movement unfolded. The population and industrial enterprises were evacuated. In the first period of the war, the main event in the northwestern direction was the Leningrad defensive operation (July 10 - September 30, 1941). The Nazis failed to capture Leningrad on the move. From the end of September, a stubborn struggle for the city began, which lasted more than three years. In the central direction, the German offensive was suspended only in the Smolensk region, where, in the course of the defensive and offensive operations carried out by the Soviet troops, the Germans were forced to go on the defensive. The battle of Smolensk (July 10 to September 10), carried out in order to prevent the Germans from breaking through in the Moscow direction, forced the enemy to postpone the planned attack on Moscow for almost two months. It was during the battle of Smolensk that the Soviet rocket launchers BM-13 ("Katyusha") were first used. From July 7 to September 26, 1941, Soviet troops carried out the Kyiv defensive operation. By order of I.V. Stalin, they held Kyiv "at any cost", but were surrounded and destroyed by the enemy. The situation that developed in the summer and autumn of 1941 on the Soviet-German front can be characterized as catastrophic. Despite courageous resistance, the Red Army retreated with heavy fighting, losing in the first three weeks of the war alone about 850 thousand people, 3,5 thousand aircraft, and up to half of the tanks available in the border districts. By mid-July, the enemy managed to advance 300-600 km inland, while losing 100 thousand killed. German troops occupied Lithuania, Latvia, part of Belarus, Right-Bank Ukraine, reached the distant approaches to Leningrad. According to the estimates of the General Staff of the Red Army, the irretrievable losses of the army in the first six months of the war amounted to 5 million people (this is about 9/10 of the entire pre-war strength of the Red Army). In 1941, 3,9 million Soviet soldiers and officers were captured. Our failures and defeats at the beginning of the war were due to a number of objective and subjective factors: repressions in the army on the eve of the war among the commanding staff; mistakes and miscalculations regarding the timing of the start of the war; a military doctrine providing for military operations only on foreign territory; delay in bringing the troops to combat readiness; dismantling of old and lack of new fortifications on the border. The main battle of the first period of the war was the battle for Moscow (September 30, 1941 - April 20, 1942). During the defensive phase (from September 30 to December 5, 1941), the troops of the Western Front under the command of G.K. Zhukov fought stubborn battles with superior enemy forces. During this period, the Nazi troops managed to capture a number of cities (Kaluga, Kalinin, Klin, Maloyaroslavets, Naro-Fominsk, Mozhaisk, Volokolamsk, etc.) and approach Moscow in some sectors of the front by 25-30 km. However, in two months the enemy troops were exhausted and drained of blood. The divisions that arrived in Moscow from the Far East and Siberia helped to change the situation in the theater of operations. During the counter-offensive of the Kalinin (commanded by General I.S. Konev), Western (commanded by General G.K. Zhukov) and Southwestern (commanded by Marshal S.K. Timoshenko) fronts of the enemy grouping, which began on December 5, 1941, by the beginning of January 1942 the city were thrown back from Moscow by 100-250 km. The first victory over the Wehrmacht in the course of the war strengthened the morale of the Red Army and the civilian population. Having failed to implement the strategy of lightning war - blitzkrieg, Germany faced the prospect of a protracted war of attrition. Despite the failure of the Nazi offensive near Moscow and their significant losses (in the first six months on the Soviet-German front, the Wehrmacht lost over 1 million people killed and wounded), the Red Army failed to fully solve the tasks assigned to it to defeat the enemy. The installation of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command to conduct a number of offensive operations in some areas and the transition to strategic defense as a whole caused the failure of the Soviet offensive in May 1942 in the Crimea and the Kharkov region. On July 4, 1942, after an eight-month defense that delayed the German offensive in the Caucasus, Sevastopol fell. The failures of the Red Army were also affected by other factors, such as the absence of a second front in Europe, the still powerful military and economic potential of Germany, as well as admitted by I.V. Stalin made miscalculations in determining the direction of the main attack of the Wehrmacht (for example, the reserves of the Red Army were located in the central - Moscow - direction, while the Germans were preparing an offensive on the southern sector of the front). Having again seized the strategic initiative in the summer of 1942, the German army was ordered to seize the Donbass, Kuban, the Volga region and the Caucasus to provide itself with economic resources: coal, oil, food, and then, having defeated the forces of the Red Army, resume the attack on Moscow again. By mid-July 1942, the Wehrmacht's strike forces broke through into the large bend of the Don. The Battle of Stalingrad began, lasting 200 days and nights and pushing on an area of 100 thousand square meters. km more than 2 million people. Its defensive period began on July 17, 1942 and lasted until November 18, 1942. At this time, the enemy made numerous attempts to capture the city, but ran into stubborn resistance from our troops. The forces of the 62nd and 64th armies (commanded by Generals V.I. Chuikov and M.S. Shumilov) defended every street, every house. In the battle on the outskirts of Stalingrad and in the city itself, the enemy was dealt a blow from which he could not recover. The German troops of the 6th Army under the command of Field Marshal F. Paulus did not manage to capture the entire territory of the city. July 28, 1942 I.V. Stalin signed Order No. 227, known as "Not a step back," in which the main reasons for the failures and retreats of our troops were declared alarmism, cowardice, and lack of discipline. The order provided for the creation of penal battalions and companies on all fronts for commanders, political workers and privates who showed cowardice. To stop panic and disorderly retreat, barrage detachments were set up, which were charged with the duty of "shooting alarmists and cowards on the spot." This order continues to cause ambiguous assessments, and above all from a moral point of view, which also applies to many other facts of the war. 18.3. Turning point in the course of the war and the defeat of Nazi Germany In the first half of November 1942, large forces of Soviet troops were drawn to Stalingrad. During the counteroffensive that began on November 19, 1942, the troops of the South-Western (commanded by Lieutenant General N.F. Vatutin), Stalingrad (commanded by Colonel General A.I. Eremenko), Donskoy (commanded by Lieutenant General K.K. Rokossovsky) of the fronts delivered a series of attacks on enemy groups, thwarted an attempt by the German Army Group Don under the command of Field Marshal E. Manstein to release the troops surrounded in Stalingrad. On November 23, the 330-strong enemy grouping was surrounded by the united troops of the Stalingrad and Southwestern fronts. Having exhausted all possibilities to resist, violating the order of the Fuhrer, on February 2, 1943, the remnants of the 6th Army, led by Field Marshal F. Paulus, surrendered. Stalingrad was the largest defeat of the Wehrmacht in three years. By the beginning of April 1943, the front line had moved far to the west. Almost in a straight line, it ran from the coast of the Barents Sea to Orel, then turned to the west, forming a large ledge (arc) in the Kursk region, and then stretched to Taganrog. The fascist command sought to eliminate the Kursk salient, strike at the Soviet troops in the Donbass region, and capture Moscow. On July 5, 1943, powerful groupings of German troops went on the offensive in the area of the Kursk Bulge. Having accurate information about the beginning of the offensive, the Soviet troops carried out artillery preparation, which disrupted the control of the German troops and delayed their offensive by 2,5-3 hours. Defensive battles were carried out by the troops of the Central (commander Lieutenant General K.K. Rokossovsky), Voronezh (commander Lieutenant General N.F. Vatutin) and Steppe (commander General I.S. Konev) fronts, which, by the number of personnel and military equipment outnumbered the enemy forces. During the defensive battles, Soviet troops stopped the advance of the German armies and created the conditions for the transition to the second stage of the operation - the counteroffensive in the Oryol and Belogorodsko-Kharkov directions. On July 12, 1943, the largest oncoming tank battle of the Second World War unfolded near the village of Prokhorovka, in which 1200 tanks and self-propelled guns simultaneously participated from both sides. Soviet pilots made 1299 sorties over the field that day. There was a turning point in the battle. The enemy troops began to retreat. Never in a few days had German strategy suffered such a collapse. Soviet aviation won air supremacy and held it until the end of the war. On August 5, 1943, the cities of Orel, Belgorod and Kharkov were liberated. The victory near Kursk completed a radical turning point in the course of the war. Having finally taken away the strategic offensive initiative from the enemy at the second stage of the Great Patriotic War and forcing the German troops to go on the defensive on the entire front, the Soviet troops won the battle for the Dnieper, completed the battle for the Caucasus, and liberated almost 2/3 of the Soviet territory occupied by the enemy. The third period of the Great Patriotic War began with the Korsun-Shevchenko operation to liberate the Right-Bank Ukraine, as a result of which Soviet troops reached the state border and entered the territory of Romania. At the same time, an offensive was carried out in the northwestern direction, culminating in the liberation of Leningrad and Novgorod. In May 1944, Crimea was liberated by the forces of the 4th Ukrainian Front. At the beginning of 1944, preparations for the opening of a second front in Europe - Operation Overlord - were begun by the Allies. To accomplish the main task, which was to break through Belgium and Holland into the Ruhr Basin, the Anglo-American troops under the command of General D. Eisenhower landed on the French coast in Normandy on July 6, 1944. The allies had to fight hard, and only by the end of the summer they achieved significant success. Overlord was the largest amphibious assault in World War II. At this time, the largest military offensive operation "Bagration" began on the Soviet-German front, carried out from June 23 to September 19, 1944. During its conduct, the Army Group Center was defeated and Belarus, part of Lithuania and Latvia were liberated. Soviet troops entered the territory of Poland. Almost simultaneously (August 20-29, 1944), the Iasi-Kishinev operation was carried out, which ended with the liberation of Moldova and the eastern part of Romania. During the Lvov-Sandomierz operation in June - August 1944, Western Ukraine and South-Eastern Poland were liberated, during September - November - the Baltic states. The result of the offensive actions of the Red Army was the complete restoration in October 1944 of the state border of the USSR along its entire length. The liberation of European countries began: in September 1944 - Romania and Bulgaria, in October 1944 - Yugoslavia, in October 1944 - February 1945 - Hungary. The war has created a mortal threat to the entire nation and to each person individually. Thus, it caused a huge moral and political upsurge, enthusiasm and personal interest of the majority of people in defeating the enemy and ending the war as soon as possible. This became the basis of mass heroism at the front and labor feat in the rear. In order to mobilize all the resources of the state in the first days of the war, a radical restructuring of the entire life of the country on a military basis began. The slogan "Everything for the front, everything for victory" became the defining program of activity! On June 24, 1941, the Evacuation Council was established under the chairmanship of N.M. Shvernik. During July - November 1941, 1523 industrial enterprises, including 1360 large military enterprises, were relocated to the eastern regions of the country. In record time, these enterprises were put into operation. The rear sent weapons, ammunition, military equipment, food and uniforms to the front. The achievements of industry made it possible by November 1942 to change the balance of forces in favor of the Soviet troops. In the activities of the Soviet rear, 1943 became a turning point. For special distinctions in the rear, 198 people were awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor; 16 million people were awarded the medal "For Valiant Labor in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945". The partisans made a great contribution to the expulsion of the invaders. On May 30, 1942, the Central Headquarters of the partisan movement was created (it operated until January 13, 1944). The forms of struggle of the partisans were: raids on the rear of the enemy, sabotage on communications, the creation of partisan territories. During the war, over 6200 partisan detachments and underground groups operated behind enemy lines, in which more than 1 million people fought. The most famous commanders of partisan formations: P.P. Vershigora, S.A. Kovpak, D.N. Medvedev, A.N. Saburov, A.F. Fedorov and others. Since the spring of 1943, the actions of partisans have been coordinated with the offensive operations of the Red Army. The main strategic operation in the spring of 1945, which victoriously ended the Great Patriotic War, was the capture of Berlin. It was carried out by the troops of the 1st Belorussian (commander G.K. Zhukov), 2nd Belorussian (commander K.K. Rokossovsky) and 1st Ukrainian (commander I.S. Konev) fronts, which were faced with the task of destroying enemy forces , take control of Berlin and join the Allied forces on the Elbe. On April 16, the 1st Belorussian and 1st Ukrainian fronts launched an offensive against Berlin. Desperate enemy resistance and powerful defensive fortifications slowed down the advance of the Soviet troops. For four for they advanced only 30 km and with fierce battles, taking the Seelow Heights, on April 21 they entered the suburbs of Berlin. The troops of the 1st Belorussian and 1st Ukrainian fronts managed to connect southeast of Berlin and close the encirclement on April 25. The enemy troops, cut into two parts, continued to resist southeast of Berlin and in the city itself. Despite the Fuhrer's suicide, the Germans continued to fight for the city. Only after the assault and the capture of the Reichstag did they begin to surrender. On May 2, the Berlin operation, carried out "at any cost" and resulting in colossal losses for us, ended. Allied troops accepted the surrender of the German command in France. On April 25, 1945, the famous meeting of the allies on the Elbe took place. On the night of May 8-9, 1945, Germany signed a complete unconditional surrender. Marshal G.K. accepted the surrender from the Soviet side. Zhukov. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted a Decree declaring May 9 the Victory Day. Back in February 1945, a decision was made in Crimea to divide Germany into four occupation zones. After Germany signed the capitulation, it practically ceased to exist as a state. In accordance with the Potsdam Agreement signed by the allies in Germany, complete disarmament and demilitarization, the dissolution of the Nazi Party, the conviction of war criminals and other measures were supposed. On May 9, 1945, Prague was liberated by the armies of the 1st and 2nd Ukrainian fronts. The Second World War ended with the liberation of the countries of Europe, which was a great feat of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition. 18.4. Anti-Hitler coalition As a result of Germany's aggression against the USSR, the international situation changed: England, which had previously opposed Germany alone, had an ally. In the first days of the war, British Prime Minister W. Churchill, who was a supporter of an uncompromising struggle against Germany, declared his readiness to support the Soviet Union. The United States also expressed its willingness to help. In the summer-autumn of 1941, there was an active diplomatic rapprochement of the allied countries. The Soviet Union acceded to the Atlantic Charter adopted by the United States and Britain, which for the first time outlined the goals of participation in the war of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition. The US official entry into World War II on December 8, 1941 had a significant impact on the balance of power in the world conflict and contributed to the completion of the creation of the anti-Hitler coalition. On January 1, 1942, 26 states signed the Declaration of the United Nations, acceding to the purposes and principles set forth in the Atlantic Charter. The governments of the allied countries undertook to direct all their resources against the members of the Tripartite Pact, and also not to conclude a separate truce or peace with enemies. The anti-Hitler coalition was internally contradictory. Great Britain and the United States were no less afraid of the Stalinist regime than they were of Hitler's, and sought to weaken the USSR as much as possible during the war. The contradictions in the anti-Hitler coalition are most clearly seen in the question of opening a second front. For the Allies, it was about fighting far from their territory, and for us, it was about saving the Motherland. Therefore, from the very beginning of the Great Patriotic War, I.V. Stalin began to insistently demand the opening of a second front by the allies in Europe, which did not find support either in London or in Washington. However, W. Churchill and F. Roosevelt could not ignore the real situation when the USSR alone waged a bloody war against fascist Germany. On June 11, 1942, a Soviet-American agreement was signed on the principles of mutual assistance in waging war against fascist aggression. Great Britain and the USA gave the obligation to open a second front in 1942. However, in the most difficult months for the USSR, 1942-1943. the second front was not opened. This led to a colossal strain on all the forces, means and resources of our country, the death of millions of people. The offensive of the Red Army, the successful struggle against Japan in the Pacific, Italy's withdrawal from the war determined the need for coordination of actions. From November 28 to December 1, 1943, I. Stalin, F. Roosevelt, W. Churchill met in Tehran. The main issue was still the opening of a second front. As a result, it was decided to open a second front no later than May 1944. At the conference, the Soviet Union agreed to enter the war with Japan after the end of the war in Europe. By the end of the war, contradictions intensified in the anti-Hitler coalition over its completion as a whole and the post-war structure of the world. On February 4-11, 1945, a new meeting of the Big Three took place in the Crimea (Yalta). At the conference, it was decided to organize a trial of Nazi criminals and create a new international United Nations (UN) to maintain peace and ensure the security of peoples. The last meeting of the "Big Three" was the Potsdam Conference on July 17 - August 2, 1945 (H. Truman was present instead of F. Roosevelt, during the conference W. Churchill was replaced by C. Attlee), at which the decisions developed in Crimea: the main problems of the post-war world structure were discussed; a decision was made on a system of quadripartite occupation of Germany and on the administration of Berlin; an International Military Tribunal was established to try major Nazi war criminals; resolved the issue of the western borders of Poland; The former East Prussia with the city of Koenigsberg was transferred to the USSR; the question of reparations and the destruction of German monopolies has been resolved. However, the negotiations were conducted from a position of strength, which gave rise to many new contradictions and created the conditions for the onset of the Cold War. With the surrender of Japan and the end of World War II, military cooperation between the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition also ended. The American and British sides understood that the Soviet Union was ready to do everything possible to defeat the aggressor, and therefore, in August 1941, they came out with the most serious intentions to provide us with economic assistance. In October 1941, the US provided the USSR with a $1 billion loan based on the Arms Lending or Lease Act. England took upon itself the obligation to organize the supply of aircraft and tanks. Allied Lend-Lease supplies (the American Lend-Lease Act was adopted by the US Congress back in March 1941 and provided for assistance to other countries with raw materials and weapons in the interests of US defense) became not only material, but, above all, political and moral support for our country in the most tragic months of the war, when the Soviet Union was gathering decisive forces on the Soviet-German front, and Soviet industry was not able to provide the Red Army with everything necessary. Lend-lease deliveries of finished goods, semi-finished products and foodstuffs provided significant economic support. After the signing of the capitulation by Germany, the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition abandoned the Yalta plans for its division. To regulate life in the four zones of Berlin was supposed to be a control council, consisting of the commanders-in-chief of the Allied armed forces. The new agreement on the German question, signed in Potsdam in July 1945, provided for the complete disarmament and demilitarization of Germany, the dissolution of the National Socialist Workers' Party (NSDAP) and the condemnation of war criminals, and the democratization of the German administration. Still united by the struggle against Nazism, the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition had already embarked on the path of splitting Germany. The new alignment of forces in the post-war world objectively made Germany an ally of the West in the fight against communism, widespread in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, so the Western powers began to speed up the recovery of the German economy, which led to the unification of the American and British zones of occupation. So the contradictions and ambitions of the former allies led to the tragedy of an entire nation. It took more than 40 years to overcome the division of Germany. 18.5. Defeat and surrender of Japan Germany's unconditional surrender did not mean the end of World War II. Militaristic Japan remained in the Far East without laying down its arms. For the first time, the question of the participation of the Red Army in the war against Japan was raised at the Tehran Conference. In February 1945, at the second meeting of I. Stalin, F. Roosevelt and W. Churchill in the Crimea, the Soviet side confirmed its agreement to participate in the war with Japan 2-3 months after the surrender of Germany, at the same time putting forward a number of conditions for consideration by the allies, which were accepted them. The agreement signed by the leaders of the three countries provided for the following. 1. Preservation of the status quo of the Mongolian People's Republic. 2. Restoration of the rights belonging to Russia violated as a result of its defeat in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905: - to return to the Soviet Union the southern part of Sakhalin Island and all the islands adjacent to it; - the internationalization of the commercial port of Dairen (Dalniy) and the restoration of the lease of Port Arthur as a naval base of the USSR; - joint operation of the Chinese-Eastern and South-Manchurian railways on the basis of the organization of a mixed Soviet-Chinese society with the provision of the predominant interests of the Soviet Union. 3. Transfer of the Kuril Islands to the Soviet Union. By August 1945, American and British troops managed to capture a number of islands in the Pacific Ocean captured by Japan and significantly weaken its navy. The Red Army was faced with the task of defeating a large formation of the Japanese ground forces - the Kwantung Army. On the basis of repeated violations by the Japanese side of the neutrality treaty of April 13, 1941, the Soviet government denounced it on April 5, 1945. In accordance with allied obligations, as well as to ensure the security of its Far Eastern borders, the Soviet Union entered the war with Japan on the night of August 8-9, 1945, and thereby put it before inevitable defeat. The Kwantung Army was destroyed. The general command of the troops was carried out by Marshal A.M. Vasilevsky. Together with the Soviet troops, the Mongolian and Chinese people's armies fought against Japan. As early as August 6 and 9, 1945, more in pursuit of the goal of establishing a dictate in the post-war world than in accordance with strategic necessity, the United States for the first time used a new lethal weapon. More than 200 civilians died or became crippled as a result of the nuclear bombing of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by American aircraft. This was one of the factors that led Japan to surrender to the allies. Within a few days, the Soviet troops, at the cost of enormous efforts and losses, managed to break the resistance of the Japanese and hasten the end of hostilities in the Pacific. On August 28, 1945, the landing of American troops began on the territory of Japan, and on September 2, in Tokyo Bay, on board the American battleship Missouri, an act of unconditional surrender of Japan was signed. World War II is over. 18.6. Results and consequences of the war The Second World War was the bloodiest and largest conflict in the history of mankind, which involved 80% of the non-population of the globe. The most important outcome of the war was the destruction of fascism as a form of totalitarianism. This became possible thanks to the joint efforts of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition. The victory contributed to the growth of the prestige of the USSR and the USA, turning them into superpowers. For the first time, Nazism was judged internationally. Conditions were created for the democratic development of countries. The collapse of the colonial system began. The anti-Hitler coalition formed during the war years became the basis for the creation of the United Nations, which opened up opportunities for the formation of a collective security system and the emergence of a radically new organization of international relations. The price of victory over the fascist bloc is very high. The war brought great destruction. The total cost of destroyed material assets (including military equipment and weapons) of all the warring countries amounted to more than 316 billion dollars, and the damage to the USSR was almost 41% of this amount. However, first of all, the price of victory is determined by human losses. The Second World War claimed more than 55 million human lives. The direct human losses of the USSR during all the years of the war are enormous and amount to more than 27 million people. Huge human losses and material destruction changed the demographic situation and gave rise to post-war economic difficulties: the most able-bodied people dropped out of the productive forces; the existing structure of production was disrupted. The conditions of the war necessitated the development of military art and various types of weapons. The era of accelerated development of rocket and then rocket and space technology began. Already at the very end of World War II, the Americans created and first used nuclear weapons. Nuclear missile weapons have led to a sharp change in the general situation in the world. With the transformation in the late 1940s. The arms race intensified from the USSR to the second nuclear power. The problem of war and peace has become a global one. At the final stage of the war, the Red Army liberated the territories of Romania, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Austria, Norway, Denmark, China, and Korea. Great and indisputable is the merit of our soldiers in the preservation and salvation from destruction of many medieval cities in Europe, outstanding monuments of architecture and art. A world system of socialism was formed in opposition to the capitalist one. For several decades after the war, the confrontation between these two systems determined world development. As a result of the victory over fascism, the Soviet Union not only strengthened its international prestige, but also expanded its borders: Pechenga in the North, the Koenigsberg and Klaipeda regions, Transcarpathia, the southern part of Sakhalin Island, and the Kuriles were received. The country was in the process of further strengthening the totalitarian regime, the cult of personality I.V. Stalin with a clear growth and manifestation of the civic position of the population. And although the anti-fascist war of liberation did not open the way to democracy in the USSR, the contribution of the Soviet people to the defeat of fascism, the feat they accomplished and the courage they showed cannot be devalued, no matter how reassessments certain events of that period may be subjected to over time. Topic 19. USSR in the post-war years (1945-1953) 19.1. Foreign policy of the USSR and international relations in the post-war world. "Cold War" The decisive contribution of the Soviet Union to the victory of the anti-Hitler coalition over fascism led to serious changes in the international arena. The world prestige of the USSR as one of the victorious countries in the fight against fascism increased, and it was again perceived as a great power. The influence of our state in Eastern Europe and in China was predominant. In the second half of the 1940s. communist regimes were formed in these countries. To a large extent, this was due to the presence of Soviet troops on their territories and the large material assistance from the USSR. But gradually the contradictions between the former allies in World War II began to worsen. The speech of W. Churchill "Muscles of the World" in Fulton (USA) on March 5, 1946, where he called on Western countries to fight "the expansion of totalitarian communism", became the manifesto of the confrontation. In Moscow, this speech was perceived as a political challenge. I.V. Stalin sharply responded to W. Churchill in the Pravda newspaper, noting: "... that, in fact, Mr. Churchill is now in the position of warmongers." The confrontation intensified further, and the Cold War broke out on both sides. Then the initiative to develop confrontational actions in line with the Cold War passed to the United States. In February 1947, President G. Truman, in his annual message to the US Congress, proposed specific measures against the spread of Soviet influence, which included economic assistance to Europe, the formation of a military-political alliance under the leadership of the United States, the deployment of American military bases along the Soviet borders, as well as providing support to opposition movements in Eastern Europe. An important milestone in American expansion was the program of economic assistance to countries affected by Nazi aggression, proclaimed on June 5, 1947 by US Secretary of State J. Marshall. Moscow defiantly refused to participate in the "Marshall Plan" and put pressure on the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, forcing them to do the same. The Kremlin's response to the "Marshall Plan" was the creation in September 1947 of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties (Cominform) with the aim of strengthening control over the communist movement in the world and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Cominform focused only on the Soviet model of the formation of socialism, condemning the earlier concepts of "national paths to socialism." In 1947-1948. at the suggestion of the Soviet leadership in the countries of Eastern Europe, a series of revelations took place against a number of party and state leaders accused of sabotage and deviations from the agreed line of socialist construction. In 1948, relations between the USSR and Yugoslavia sharply worsened. The head of this state I.B. Tito strove for leadership in the Balkans and put forward the idea of creating a Balkan federation under the leadership of Yugoslavia, due to his own ambitions and authority, he refused to act under the dictates of I.V. Stalin. Cominform in June 1948 issued a resolution on the situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, accusing its leaders of departing from the Marxist-Leninist ideology. Further, the conflict deepened, which led to the rupture of all relations between the two countries. Refusing to participate in the implementation of the "Marshall Plan", the countries of Eastern Europe, on the initiative of the USSR, created in January 1949 their own international economic organization - the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). Its main tasks were the material support of the countries of the pro-Soviet bloc, as well as their economic integration. All activities of the CMEA were based on planning and directive principles and were permeated with the recognition of the political leadership of the USSR in the socialist camp. In the late 1940s - early 1960s. the confrontation between the USSR and the USA intensified in Europe and Asia. As part of the implementation of the "Marshall Plan" on the initiative of the United States on April 4, 1949, a military-political alliance was created - the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which included the United States, Great Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Canada, Italy, Portugal, Norway, Denmark, Iceland. Later, Turkey and Greece (1952) and the FRG (1955) joined NATO. An acute problem remained the confrontation in Germany occupied by the Allied forces, in which the country was being divided into two parts: western and eastern. In September 1949, the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was formed from the western zones of occupation, and in October of the same year, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was formed in the Soviet zone. In the Far East in 1950-1953. The Korean War broke out between North and South, which became an almost open military clash between the opposing blocs. The Soviet Union and China provided political, material and human assistance to North Korea, and the United States to South Korea. The war went on with varying success. As a result, none of the parties managed to achieve a decisive military advantage. In July 1953, peace was established in Korea, but the country remained split into two states, which have survived to this day. 19.2. The creation of atomic weapons and the beginning of nuclear confrontation In the 1940s atomic weapons were created, which became the determining factor in international relations. On the territory of the USA, in Los Alamos, in 1942, an American nuclear center was established. On its basis, work began on the creation of an atomic bomb. The overall management of the project was entrusted to the talented nuclear physicist R. Oppenheimer. By the summer of 1945, the Americans managed to assemble two atomic bombs. The first explosion was carried out at the test site in Alamogordo on July 16, 1945 and was timed to coincide with the meeting of the leaders of the USSR, USA, Great Britain and France in Potsdam. As already noted, on August 6 and 9, 1945, two atomic bombs were dropped on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The use of nuclear weapons was not caused by military necessity. The US ruling circles pursued political goals. They wanted to demonstrate their strength to intimidate the USSR and other countries. The beginning of the Soviet atomic project also dates back to 1942. When I.V. Stalin received information about the desire of the United States and Germany to master this superweapon, he uttered one phrase: "We must do it." In the spring of 1943, I.V. Kurchatov. On August 29, 1949, the first Soviet atomic bomb was successfully tested at the test site near Semipalatinsk in Kazakhstan. The nuclear monopoly of the United States was eliminated, and the confrontation between the two great powers became thermonuclear. The creators of domestic atomic weapons were academicians I.V. Kurchatov, Yu.B. Khariton, Ya.B. Zeldovich. Yu.B. Khariton at the end of his life in 1995 uttered warning words: “Conscious of my involvement in remarkable scientific and engineering achievements ... today, at a more than mature age, I am aware of our involvement in the terrible death of people, in the monstrous damage caused to the nature of our home - the Earth … God grant that those who come after us find a way, find in themselves firmness of spirit and determination, striving for the best, not to do the worst." 19.3. Post-war economic development of the country The war destroyed about one third of the entire national wealth of the country. A huge number of factories and plants, mines, railways and other industrial facilities were destroyed. Restoration work began during the Great Patriotic War, immediately after the liberation of part of the occupied territories. In August 1943, a special resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR "On urgent measures to restore the economy in areas liberated from German occupation" was adopted. By the end of the war, as a result of the titanic efforts of our workers, it was possible to recreate part of industrial production. However, the main restoration processes took place after the victorious end of the war, during the Fourth Five-Year Plan (1946-1950). As in the years of the first five-year plans, the emphasis in the development of industry was placed on heavy industry. The level of pre-war industrial production was reached by 1948. In total, 6200 large enterprises were restored and built again. Agriculture in the fourth five-year plan did not have time to reach the pre-war level. This was achieved only in the next five years. At the same time, the country faced enormous difficulties and problems. In 1946, famine broke out in a number of regions, as a result of both the drought and the traditional policy of the state in relation to agriculture. From the village, as in the period of collectivization, resources and funds were taken for the development of industry and, accordingly, for ensuring foreign policy tasks (in particular, in 1946-1947 the USSR exported 2,5 million tons of grain to Europe at preferential prices). The war and its aftermath - the card supply system for the population - upset the country's financial system. The critical situation in the consumer market, the expansion of natural exchange, inflationary processes jeopardized the program for the restoration of the national economy, so the question of monetary reform arose. On December 16, 1947, the implementation of the monetary reform began in the USSR, cards for food and industrial goods were canceled. Money was put into circulation, which was exchanged within a week (until December 22, 1947) for the available old cash at a ratio of 1:10 (i.e., 10 old rubles were equated to one new ruble). Prices for bread, flour, pasta, cereals, and beer were falling everywhere. But at the same time, prices for meat, fish, sugar, salt, vodka, milk, eggs, vegetables, fabrics, shoes, knitwear were not changed. It is quite obvious that the reform pursued confiscation purposes and "ate" part of the savings of the Soviet people. Since 1949, prices began to decline steadily, but the purchasing power of the population was extremely low, which created the illusion of abundance and an improvement in life. The financial situation of the population was aggravated by compulsory state loans from the people through subscription and purchase of various bonds. 19.4. Social and political life After the abolition of the highest body of state power in the country during the Great Patriotic War - the State Defense Committee - all power continued to remain in the hands of the party and state apparatus, which was headed solely by I.V. Stalin, who was both the head of government (since 1941) and the leader of the Communist Party. Combined the highest state and party posts and other leaders (G.M. Malenkov, N.A. Voznesensky, L.P. Beria, L.M. Kaganovich, K.E. Voroshilov, etc.). In fact, all power in the country was still in the hands of I.V. Stalin. The highest party body - the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks - met irregularly and extremely rarely. For everyday work I.V. Stalin created a system of "threes", "sixes", "sevens" with a changing composition. Having outlined a decision, he approved it together with specific persons called in for discussion, who were members of the Politburo, the Orgburo, the secretariat of the Central Committee of the party or the Council of Ministers. Thus, until the death of I.V. Stalin, the system of the highest party-Soviet power functioned. Immediately after the war, a new round of political repression began in the country. This was primarily due to Stalin's desire to recreate the atmosphere of fear as the main component of the authoritarian regime, to eliminate the elements of freedom that appeared as a result of the victory of the people in the war. Such a policy was also used as a means of struggle for power in the political leadership. The treatment of prisoners of war returning to the USSR, already from the summer of 1945, testified to the tightening of the regime. Only 20% of the 2 million repatriated prisoners of war received permission to return home. Most of those who were captured were sent to camps or sentenced to exile for at least five years. I.V. Stalin did not trust the military, constantly kept them under the control of the state security agencies and systematically subjected them to repression. One of the first was in 1946 "the case of aviators." The Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force A.A. was arrested and convicted for wrecking in the aviation industry. Novikov, People's Commissar of Aviation Industry A.I. Shakhurin, Air Marshal S.A. Khudyakov, chief engineer of the Air Force A.K. Repin and others. Opal was subjected to in 1946-1948. and Marshal G.K. Zhukov, who was removed from leading military posts and sent to command the Odessa, and then the Urals military district. Military leaders close to him were repressed: generals V.N. Gordov, F.T. Rybalchenko, V.V. Kryukov, V.K. Telegin, former Marshal G.I. Sandpiper. The so-called "Leningrad case" (1949-1950) was fabricated, as a result of which prominent state and party workers were repressed (N.A. Voznesensky, A.A. Kuznetsov, P.S. Popkov, M.I. Rodionov, I F. Kapustin, P. G. Lazutin and others). All of them were charged with treason, allegedly consisting in organizing subversive work in the party and state bodies, striving to turn the Leningrad party organization into their support for the fight against the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, violating state plans, etc. The six defendants (mentioned above) were sentenced by the court to capital punishment, the rest - to various terms of imprisonment. However, the "Leningrad case" did not end at this stage. In 1950-1952 over 200 senior party and Soviet workers of Leningrad were convicted and sentenced to death and long terms of imprisonment. April 30, 1954, after the death of I.V. Stalin, the Supreme Court of the USSR rehabilitated all the defendants in this case, many of them posthumously. After the Stalinist terror of the 1930s. the wave of mass repressions rose again. An anti-Semitic campaign began to unfold under the guise of fighting "rootless cosmopolitanism." There were arrests and executions of representatives of the Jewish intelligentsia. The Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee was dissolved, which during the war years was engaged in collecting funds from the Jewish communities of different countries (mainly in the USA) to support the Soviet Union. Its leaders - S. Lozovsky, B. Shimelianovich, P. Markish, L. Kvitko and others were arrested and convicted in the summer of 1952 by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR, subsequently they were shot. Under mysterious circumstances, the famous actor and director S. Mikhoels died, and P. Zhemchuzhina (wife of V.M. Molotov) was also imprisoned. On January 13, 1953, TASS announced the arrest of a group of doctors - M. Vovsi, B. Kogan, B. Feldman, J. Etinger, and others. It was announced that a terrorist group of doctors wanted to shorten the lives of active workers in the Soviet state through sabotage treatment. They were also accused of involvement in foreign intelligence services. On March 5, 1953, I.V. died. Stalin. A month later, the arrested doctors were released and found not guilty. Topic 20. An attempt to implement political and economic reforms. "Khrushchev's decade" (1953-1964) 20.1. The struggle for power in the leadership of the country after the death of I.V. Stalin After the death of I.V. Stalin, as a result of behind-the-scenes struggle, the first places in the party-state hierarchy were occupied by: G.M. Malenkov - Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR; L.P. Beria - First Deputy G.M. Malenkova and at the same time the head of the united Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD), which included the state security agencies; N.S. Khrushchev - first secretary, and from September 1953 First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. L.P. immediately developed a special activity. Beria, who came up with a number of initiatives, which included the rehabilitation of those arrested in the "doctors' case", amnesty for prisoners of the camps, a proposal to limit the incompetent interference of party bodies in economic affairs, etc. His initiatives were interpreted as a desire to win popularity among the people in order to seize power in country. In the Kremlin against L.P. Beria, a conspiracy arose, headed by G.M. Malenkov and N.S. Khrushchev. On June 26, 1953, at a meeting of the Council of Ministers in the Kremlin, he was arrested with the help of Marshal G.K. Zhukov and other military men. From July 2 to July 7, 1953, the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU was held in Moscow, at which one of the main issues was the discussion of the criminal anti-party and anti-state activities of L.P. Beria. The charges were brought in the spirit of the traditional Stalinist political trials of the 1930-1940s, he was accused of striving to put the Ministry of Internal Affairs over the party and government, organizing slanderous materials against prominent party figures, collaborating with foreign intelligence services, moral decay, etc. L.P. . Beria was removed from all posts and in December 1953, together with other officials of the state security close to him, he was convicted, sentenced to capital punishment and shot. But very soon, between the former associates of G.M. Malenkov and N.S. Khrushchev began another stage of the behind-the-scenes struggle for power. This rivalry ended with the victory of N.S. Khrushchev at the beginning of 1955 G.M. Malenkov was relieved of his duties as Chairman of the Council of Ministers and declared an opportunist for shifting the proportions in the growth of heavy and light industry. His post was taken by N.A. Bulganin. Later N.S. Khrushchev managed to further consolidate his power, pushing aside other Stalin's associates (V.M. Molotov and L.M. Kaganovich), and in 1958 took the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers (instead of N.A. Bulganin) while maintaining the post of party leader ( from September 13, 1953 N.S. Khrushchev - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU). 20.2. The beginning of the de-Stalinization of society The main one in the reforming N.S. Khrushchev was the beginning of the de-Stalinization of society. His name is associated with a historical feat - the exposure of Stalin's personality cult, the beginning of the liquidation of the consequences of his repressive regime, the release of hundreds of thousands of innocent people from prisons and camps, the restoration of their civil rights and good name, the new course of the XX Party Congress. At the very end of 1955, on the initiative of N.S. Khrushchev, a special commission was created under the chairmanship of the Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU P.N. Pospelov on the study of materials on repressions in the 1930s-1940s. The materials of this commission formed the basis of the secret report of N.S. Khrushchev "On the cult of personality and its consequences" at the XX Congress of the CPSU in February 1956. What caused this? There are several reasons that bring closer to understanding the true motives of N.S. Khrushchev. But the main thing, nevertheless, was that it was a weapon of struggle against old comrades-in-arms, who did not accept his desire for a leading role in the state and did not recognize him as a leader. Apparently, it is possible to speak here, as some historians and publicists believe, about N.S. Khrushchev to self-purification and self-repentance. Four months after the historic XX Congress of the CPSU, at which the country learned the truth about I.V. Stalin, on June 30, 1956, a resolution of the Central Committee of the party "On overcoming the cult of personality and its consequences" was adopted, in which the cult of personality I.V. Stalin was explained by the complex international and domestic situation, which required the restriction of democracy and the personal qualities of I.V. Stalin, who played a decisive role in organizing repression and abuse of power. This was a critique of the cult, not of the system that gave birth to it. Khrushchev could not go beyond the certain limits of the old stereotypes of political, ideological and social thinking. But even in this perspective, the changes in the life of society were significant. The culmination of de-Stalinization was the XXII Congress of the CPSU in October 1961, at which the questions of the personality cult were again raised, but it all came down to the removal of the body of I.V. Stalin from the Mausoleum and his burial at the Kremlin wall. Summing up the first attempt to de-Stalinize society, the following should be noted: - the process of release and rehabilitation of political prisoners began. Hundreds of thousands of people were released. But rehabilitation, including posthumous, was incomplete. She did not even touch on well-known political figures, such as N.I. Bukharin, A.I. Rykov, M.P. Tomsky and others; - the rights of the deported and repressed peoples (Balkarians, Karachays, Ingush, Chechens, Kalmyks) were restored. They were allowed to return to their original places of residence. But the Volga Germans and the Crimean Tatars were not rehabilitated; - a serious blow was dealt to the Stalinist methods of government and to the totalitarian system as a whole, although this was only the first step; - there was hope for the democratization of Soviet society and a generation of the sixties emerged, formed during the period of the anti-Stalinist campaign. But neither N.S. Khrushchev and his associates were not ready for this, they continued to be adherents of the Stalinist methods of solving the problems facing the country while simultaneously publicly campaigning against the cult of personality, so the first stage of the de-Stalinization of society, for all its importance and significance, can be assessed as contradictory and inconsistent. 20.3. Contradictory reformism of N.S. Khrushchev The reforms carried out by N.S. Khrushchev in the economy, did not affect its basic foundations and were carried out mainly in the managerial and administrative sphere. So, in 1957, industrial management reform. Instead of the sectoral principle (through the relevant ministries), a territorial one was introduced. Union industrial ministries were abolished, which were replaced by councils of the national economy (sovnarkhozes) and which at the local regional level were supposed to manage enterprises and establish direct links with each other. This had a short-term effect, expanding the opportunities for cooperation and specialization of enterprises. But very soon, in the conditions of a rigidly centralized planned economy, local segregationist tendencies prevailed, violations began to appear in the unified technical policy, etc. They tried to overcome this in 1962 by amalgamating the economic councils. Republican economic councils and the Council of the National Economy of the USSR, as well as state committees for industries were created, but the desired effect did not work. Local and duplicative tendencies still persisted. Khrushchev's leadership of industry led to the end of the 1950s-beginning of the 1960s. to the following unfavorable economic trends: - a significant increase in capital investments and the rapid growth of loans that exceed the possibilities of the state budget, the uncontrolled growth of the industry of group "A" (production of means of production); - a massive influx of low-skilled labor from rural areas and an increase in staff turnover; - a noticeable slowdown in economic growth. The situation was aggravated by the division of party bodies into industrial and rural ones, which ultimately led to various kinds of inconsistencies and caused dissatisfaction among party and state officials. In the agricultural policy, as a rule, two stages of the agrarian-transformative activity of the Khrushchev decade are distinguished. The first stage refers to 1953-1958. and is characterized as the most active and productive, since during this period there is an increase in agricultural production by providing the peasantry and collective farms with greater independence in planning and strengthening production, introducing the principle of material interest in labor, and developing virgin lands. By the end of 1958, the volume of total gross output increased by almost 1,5 times, commodity output by 1,8 times, livestock production by almost two times. The second stage refers to the end of the 1950s-1964. and is characterized by increased administrative and bureaucratic pressure on the agricultural sector. The first administrative reform in the field of agriculture consisted in the elimination of MTS (machine and tractor stations) and the forced transfer of ownership of equipment to collective farms with retention of their value, which completely absorbed the financial resources of agricultural producers accumulated as a result of increased purchase prices. The negative consequences of this reform were the loss of most of the cadres of machine operators as a result of their departure to cities and workers' settlements, as well as the reduction in the fleet of agricultural machines. The second reform was aimed at the consolidation of collective farms (83 thousand - in 1955, 68 thousand - in 1957, 45 thousand - in 1960) in order to form strong large-scale farms, which, in essence, revived the rejected I.V. Stalin the idea of creating agro-cities and reflected the desire to accelerate the social transformation of the countryside. N.S. Khrushchev, as a reformer of the Bolshevik school, firmly believed in the omnipotence of organizational measures, sometimes unsupported by either serious scientific calculations or the necessary material and financial capabilities, so most of the transformations were carried out in the form of various campaigns. For example, the most famous one is the "corn campaign", which ended badly and led to a general decrease in the grain harvest in the country. The campaigns should also include a number of party decisions aimed at limiting and eliminating the personal subsidiary plots of citizens, the implementation of which had grave consequences for the country. The food supply of people has sharply deteriorated, the discontent of citizens began to grow. In this situation, the government for the first time began to carry out bulk purchases of grain abroad, although the average annual grain harvest in the country did not decrease and was even higher than in the previous period. It averaged 129,3 million tons in 1959-1964, against 80,9 million tons in 1949-1953. The main role, according to agricultural historians, was played by the demographic factor and the consumption crisis. We are talking about an increase in migration from the countryside to the city (i.e., a reduction in the number of agricultural producers and an increase in the number of consumers in the city), which is associated both with subjective miscalculations in the agrarian policy of N.S. Khrushchev, as well as with the objective processes of urbanization and the impact of the scientific and technological revolution on society. In June 1962 prices increased by 30% for meat and 25% for butter. A wave of strikes swept across the country. The most impressive protest was in Novocherkassk, where bloody events took place. By order of the highest party and state instances, a numerous workers' demonstration was shot. Party propaganda constantly convinced that the reforms themselves should lead to positive changes in society. The 1961nd Congress of the CPSU (October XNUMX) approved the new party program. An illusory conclusion was drawn about the complete and final victory of socialism in the USSR and the country's entry into the period of building communism. It was argued that the current generation of Soviet people would live under communism. Soviet historical experience has shown the utopian nature of the noble aspirations of party leaders. Khrushchev's impulsive reforms, despite all their costs, had a pronounced social focus on improving the living conditions of the population. The wages in the industry were regularly raised. In 1956, the anti-labor law of 1940, which attached workers to enterprises, was repealed. From now on, it became possible to change jobs by notifying the administration two weeks in advance. The duration of the working week was also reduced from 48 to 46 hours, and compulsory state loans were abolished. Pensions have doubled and the retirement age has been lowered to 60 for men and 55 for women. It is true that rural dwellers, who received the right to a pension only in 1964, turned out to be deprived, and their pension barrier was five years higher than that of other categories of workers. The most significant social measure in the Khrushchev decade was a large program of housing construction. From 1955 to 1964, the urban housing stock increased by 80%, that is, 54 million people received housing (every fourth inhabitant of the country). At the same time, social policy during these years was characterized by a certain duality and inconsistency. On the one hand, unprecedented practical measures were taken to raise the living standards of the population, and on the other hand, the ongoing measures were of an equalizing and distributive nature, which led to a huge increase in public consumption funds, which objectively were a heavy burden for the planned economy. 20.4. New realities of foreign policy The foreign policy pursued by N.S. Khrushchev, was also controversial and sometimes spontaneous. Two contradictory tendencies constituted its essence: peaceful coexistence and irreconcilable class struggle against the forces of imperialism in the conditions of the continuing cold war. We can talk about a certain liberalization of the foreign policy course. In 1955, diplomatic relations with Yugoslavia, broken off under I.V. Stalin, and also a peace treaty was signed with Austria, according to which its neutral international status was established and Soviet and other occupying troops were withdrawn from Austrian territory. In response to the entry of the FRG into NATO on May 14, 1955, a military-political organization of the socialist countries was created - Warsaw pact. In 1956, in Poland and Hungary, under the influence of the decisions of the XX Congress of the CPSU, processes of de-Stalinization began, which led to the strengthening of anti-Soviet sentiments. If in Poland it was possible to stabilize the situation mainly by peaceful means, then in Hungary it was necessary to send troops and suppress the popular uprising with the use of military force. The situation in the center of Europe related to the split of Germany and the division of Berlin remained acute and explosive. The western sector of Berlin was under the influence of the occupying forces of the USA, England and France. East Berlin was controlled by the GDR and the USSR. In essence, it was a direct confrontation between the two military-political blocs. As a result, in August 1961, the leadership of the GDR and the USSR decided to build the Berlin Separation Wall, which became a symbol of the Cold War until the end of the 1980s. Since the late 1950s relations between the USSR and China began to deteriorate. This was due to the rejection by the Chinese leadership of criticism of the personality cult of I.V. Stalin, the struggle for leadership in the international communist movement and the refusal of the USSR to transfer nuclear weapons to China. In the fall of 1962, the Cuban Missile Crisis broke out, bringing the world to the brink of a nuclear missile war. The Soviet leadership decided to deploy nuclear missiles in Cuba aimed at the United States. Cuba, where rebels led by Fidel Castro came to power in 1959, announced the construction of socialism and was an ally of the Soviet Union. The US placed a naval blockade on Cuba. The war was avoided only thanks to the mutual concessions of the leaders of the countries (N.S. Khrushchev and J. Kennedy). The Soviet Union withdrew the missiles, the US guaranteed the security of Cuba and promised to eliminate missile bases in Turkey aimed at the USSR. The Caribbean confrontation proved the impossibility of using nuclear weapons to achieve political goals and forced politicians to take a fresh look at nuclear warheads and their testing. On August 5, 1963, in Moscow, the USSR, the USA and Great Britain signed an agreement on the prohibition of nuclear tests in the atmosphere, space and under water. This was a very important step in the international control of deadly weapons of mass destruction. 20.5. Growing discontent in society and the removal of N.S. Khrushchev from power Assessing the reforms of N.S. Khrushchev as a whole, it is necessary to note their distinctive features: - reforms were carried out within the framework of the administrative-command system and could not go beyond it; - The reforms themselves were sometimes impulsive and ill-conceived, which did not lead to an improvement in certain areas, but, on the contrary, sometimes confused and aggravated the situation. By 1964, reports received by the KGB from party organizations, and simply letters from people to the highest party and state authorities, testified to the growth of discontent in the country. The townspeople were dissatisfied with the increase in food prices and the actual rationing of products, while the villagers were dissatisfied with the desire to deprive them of the opportunity to keep livestock and cut back on household plots, believers - with a new wave of closure of churches and prayer houses, creative intelligentsia - with constant (often in a degrading form) criticism and threats to expel them from the country, the military - a massive reduction in the armed forces, officials of the party and state apparatus - a constant shake-up of personnel and ill-conceived reorganizations. Suspension of N.S. Khrushchev was the result of a conspiracy of top party and state leaders. The main role in its preparation was played by the Chairman of the Party Control Committee and Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU A.N. Shelepin, head of the State Security Committee V.A. Semichastny, Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU M.A. Suslov and others. Until in September 1964, N.S. Khrushchev was on vacation, the conspirators prepared his removal. He was summoned to the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Party in Moscow, where opponents demanded his resignation from the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. October 14, 1964 N.S. Khrushchev was removed and did not fight for power. This happened through a simple vote, without arrests and repressions, which can be considered the main result of the Khrushchev decade. The news of the resignation of N.S. Khrushchev was met in society calmly and even with some approval. Topic 21. The USSR in the mid-1960s - 1980s. Growing crisis phenomena 21.1. New leadership and internal problems of the country The Plenum of the Central Committee of the Party, held on October 14, 1964, elected L.I. Brezhnev, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR recommended A.N. Kosygin. The work of the new leadership began with the correction of voluntaristic decisions in the administrative and managerial field and agriculture. In November-December 1964, the vertical of party power was restored, i.e., the one introduced under N.S. Khrushchev, the division of party organizations into industrial and rural. The principle of mandatory regular turnover (rotation) of party leaders at all levels was also abolished. In March 1965, the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU was held, dedicated to the problems of agriculture. L.I. Brezhnev, who delivered the keynote speech, sharply criticized the Khrushchev reforms, which were the main reason for the collapse of agriculture. In the decisions of the Plenum, a program was outlined to bring the agricultural sector out of the crisis. The emphasis was on all-round material support: increasing investments in the social sphere of the village (construction of rural social and cultural life), increasing purchase prices for agricultural products, introducing a 50% surcharge for excess sales of products to the state, and softening previous prohibitions on personal subsidiary plots. The situation in agriculture soon improved somewhat, but not for long. 21.2. Economic reform 1965 The implementation of the economic reform of 1965, sometimes called the "Kosygin reform", began with the transition to a new administrative centralization, the abolition of economic councils and the restoration of the central industrial ministries, liquidated by N.S. Khrushchev. New large state committees were created (Goskomtsen, Gossnab, State Committee for Science and Technology), and the division of party bodies into industrial and agricultural was abolished. Enterprises received some autonomy and independence. The main goal of the reform was to increase the efficiency of the national economy, accelerate its growth rates and, on this basis, improve the living standards of the population. The general idea was to use, along with the administrative levers of managing the economy, economic ones (profit, prices, finances, material interest, etc.). The initial idea of the economic reform was the provision that it was impossible to resolve all national economic issues from the center, which motivated the need for decentralization. Only five directive planned indicators remained: the volume of sales, the main range of manufactured products, the wage fund, profit and profitability, and relations with the budget. The main directions in the economic reform of 1965 were: an attempt to transfer enterprises to self-financing; assessment of the work of enterprises not by the output of gross output, but by the results of its implementation and the profit received; the creation of part of the profits (10-12%) of economic incentive funds (material incentives, social and cultural events and housing construction); the introduction of elements of wholesale trade directly between manufacturers, that is, without the participation of government agencies, who are accustomed to planning and distributing everything according to limits. The implementation of the reform gave an impetus to the development of the economy. In the period 1966-1970. compared with the previous five years, there was an acceleration in the growth rates of production volumes, national income, and labor productivity. 1900 enterprises were built and reconstructed, industrial production increased by 50% in the whole country. It was in the eighth five-year plan that the launch of the Krasnoyarsk hydroelectric power station was carried out, the development of the oil and gas resources of Tyumen began, VAZ cars were built and began to be produced in the city of Tolyatti, and scientific and industrial associations appeared. However, according to modern economists, the reform was doomed to failure due to a number of reasons. The most significant of these were: - inconsistency and half-heartedness contained directly in the very idea of the reform. The combination of economic principles with a rigidly centralized planned economy, as shown by world and domestic experience, gives only a short-term effect, and then again there is a dominance of administrative principles and the suppression of economic ones; - non-complex nature of the reform. There was no talk of any democratization of production relations, a change in the form of ownership, or a restructuring of the political system; - Weak personnel preparedness and security of the reform. The inertia of thinking of the leading economic cadres, the pressure on them of the old stereotypes, the lack of creative courage and initiative among the direct executors of the transformations led to the half-heartedness of the plan of the reform and ultimately doomed it to failure; - opposition to the reform on the part of the party apparatus and its leaders (L.I. Brezhnev, N.V. Podgorny, Yu.V. Andropov), who were afraid that the economy might get out of control of the party, and the reform would cast doubt on the essence of socialist building; - the Czechoslovak events of 1968, where similar innovations led to the beginning of the dismantling of the political system, which greatly frightened the Soviet leadership. The economic reform, being inconsistent already at the stage of conception, was not carried out properly. It was unable to reverse the unfavorable trends in the country's economic development, and the efforts of the party apparatus brought it to naught. At the same time, the 1965 reform showed the limits and limitations of socialist reformism. 21.3. Growing crisis phenomena in the economic, political and socio-spiritual spheres After the rejection of the "Kosygin reform", exclusively administrative methods of management again began to dominate, from year to year decisions of the same type were made, which ultimately led to stagnation in the national economy. The main indicators of the country's economic growth steadily continued to deteriorate. The arms race required an increase in the production of military products, which led to a certain militarization of the economic sphere. Military spending absorbed up to 20% of the gross national product. The lag behind Western countries in scientific and technological progress, and above all in non-military sectors, was accumulating, and the number of officially registered inventions in the USSR was greater than in the USA, Japan, Great Britain, Germany and other countries. However, within the framework of the existing system, they were largely not introduced into the socialist economy. As before, the extensively raw-material nature of economic development prevailed. Since the second half of the 1960s. the unprecedented development of oil and gas fields in Siberia and the export of fuel abroad began. So-called "petrodollars" flowed into the country, which were sent to patch up bottlenecks in the national economy. This process objectively increased the raw material orientation of the domestic economy. The situation in the agricultural sector in the late 1970s began to take on a catastrophic character, so in 1982 agro-industrial complexes (AIC) were created. Collective farms, state farms, enterprises for the processing of agricultural raw materials, located on the same territory, were merged into regional agro-industrial complex. However, for all the years of its existence, the agro-industrial complex did not justify itself, did not become a viable economic organism and did not fulfill the food program. Political development of the USSR in 1965-1985. proceeded within the framework of the existing under I.V. Stalin's political system with the dominant role of the Communist Party in society. The dictate of the party-state apparatus was all-encompassing and constituted the core of the country's administrative and managerial system. In the political and ideological sphere, a return to latent Stalinism gradually began. Name I.V. Stalin began to emerge more and more often in memoirs, various books and articles. These memories were, as a rule, apologetic in nature. A gradual drift away from the decisions of the XNUMXth and XNUMXnd Party Congresses began. An important milestone in political development was the adoption of the Constitution of the USSR in October 1977. Its main provisions were: - characteristics of the then stage of development of Soviet society, which received the official name "developed socialism"; - fixing the nationwide character of the state instead of the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat; - legislative consolidation of the leading role of the CPSU in society (Article 6) as the core of the political system; - the presence of a wide range of rights and freedoms of citizens, which were poorly implemented in real life. Another serious problem in the functioning of political and power relations was gerontocracy ("the power of the elders"). In the 1970s the average age of the top party leadership approached 70 years, and, despite physical ailments and illnesses, they continued to decide the fate of the country. Their only goal was the preservation of personal power, therefore, the conservation of all spheres of life of Soviet society took place, and in this sense, the term "stagnation" that appeared later quite accurately reflected the situation of this period of time. From the mid 1960s. in our country, a movement of dissidents arose as a form of dissent in relation to the ideology and politics of the Soviet system, a form of public disagreement and protest. The authorities responded by stepping up repressions against dissidents. Some of them were sent abroad (A. Solzhenitsyn, V. Bukovsky, A. Galich, and others), while others were convicted and imprisoned (A. Marchenko, N. Sharansky, and others). Academician A.D. Sakharov was isolated and exiled in 1980 to the then closed city of Gorky (Nizhny Novgorod), where he remained until 1986. The dissidents, according to today's estimates, undermined the totalitarian system and brought democracy closer to the country. Crisis phenomena also covered the social and spiritual spheres of society. Serious changes have taken place in the social structure of the population. A privileged position was occupied by a group of leading workers, or the party state nomenklatura. Its share in the social structure of Soviet society increased by 2,4 times compared to the pre-war period and by 1979 amounted to 6%. In material terms, they were the most wealthy and enjoyed all sorts of privileges. The number of workers ranked first (60% in 1979), but about half of them were employed in heavy and low-skilled work. The equalizing nature of wages had a negative impact on their situation. For a number of reasons, the number of villagers decreased three times (15% in 1979) and the question arose in an acute form of who would work in the agricultural sector. Citizens, mostly employees and intellectuals, were sent to harvest in a mass-compulsory manner. There was an increase in negative phenomena in the social sphere (drunkenness, corruption, etc.). In the spiritual sphere, there was a loss of moral guidelines. The suppression of dissent, of all freedom, including religious freedom, continued. The people and the country were going through a stage of spiritual crisis. 21.4. Foreign policy The Soviet leadership in the field of international relations and foreign policy consistently adhered to the solution of three major tasks. 1. Elimination of the threat of the collapse of the socialist camp and its close rallying in political, economic and military terms. The essence of the “Brezhnev Doctrine” (as it was called in the West) on limited sovereignty was that in the event of a danger to socialism from the imperialist forces, the entire socialist community should act as a united front and show the weak socialist link (i.e., a specific country) fraternal assistance, including military assistance. This doctrine was used during the crisis in Czechoslovakia, when the troops of the Warsaw Pact Organization (OVD) entered its territory in August 1968, suppressed anti-socialist uprisings and suspended democratic reforms. In the late 1960s relations with China became tense, leading to border conflicts. The most serious military clash occurred in March 1969 on Damansky Island in the Far East, where our losses amounted to more than 150 people. All this forced the USSR to keep large armed formations near the Soviet-Chinese border. 2. Support for communist, national liberation and pro-Soviet movements and regimes. The Brezhnev leadership tried to continue the line of unification of the international communist movement. Meetings of communist and workers' parties were held in Moscow (1965, 1969), the purpose of which was to develop a unified strategy for the class struggle against the world of capital. The USSR sought to expand its geopolitical influence at the expense of the "third world" countries. Political support, military and economic assistance was provided to the countries of Asia and Africa (Libya, Syria, Iraq, Ethiopia, Angola, Mozambique, South Yemen, etc.). Like the international communist movement, these actions will later turn out to be an illusion. 3. Normalization of relations between East and West, called "detente of international tension." To a large extent, this was based on the military parity of the USSR - the USA, the Warsaw Pact - NATO and the realization by world politicians of the impossibility of winning a nuclear war. In the early 1970s The Soviet leadership put forward a peace program. The main diplomatic components of "détente" were: - agreements signed in 1970 between the USSR and the FRG on the normalization of relations; - the conclusion in 1971 of a quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, according to which the groundlessness of the territorial and political claims of the FRG on West Berlin was confirmed; - Improvement of relations between the USSR and the USA. In 1968, an agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons was signed, to which most states joined. The USSR and the USA signed an agreement on the limitation of anti-missile defense systems (in 1972), as well as two agreements on the limitation of strategic offensive weapons (SALT-1 in 1972 and SALT-2 in 1979); - successful implementation in 1972-1975. the multi-stage European Conference on Security and Cooperation, which ended on August 1, 1975, with the signing in the capital of Finland, Helsinki, of the Final Act by the leaders of 33 European states, as well as the United States and Canada. It fixed the principles of equality, inviolability of borders, non-interference in internal affairs, priority of human rights, freedom of information and movement. In the late 1970s - early 1980s. detente was replaced by a new aggravation of international relations and confrontation. This was due to the persistence of the confrontation between East and West and the arms race, the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan in December 1979, the deployment of a new generation of Soviet and American medium-range missiles in Europe, the US launch of the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI, or the Star Wars program) ). This was also influenced by the incident that occurred in the Sakhalin region, where on the night of August 31 to September 1, 1983, a South Korean passenger plane was shot down, violating the airspace of the USSR. US President R. Reagan declared our country an "evil empire", and the confrontation intensified sharply. Such were the realities of the ongoing Cold War. 21.5. The agony of socialism After the death of L.I. Brezhnev, the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU was taken by Yu.V. Andropov (November 13, 1982 – February 9, 1984). His name is associated with the first attempt to revive the agonizing social system. From 1967 to 1982 he headed the KGB and knew better than anyone the real situation in the country. He made attempts to strengthen discipline, start the fight against corruption, and carry out serious personnel changes. The people met these measures with approval, but fate took Yu.V. Andropov's term is too short. His leadership lasted only 15 months. At the same time, it should be said that he acted within the framework of the communist system and it was no longer possible to avoid the collapse of socialism without the use of extraordinary repressive methods. Yu.V. Andropov was replaced by a longtime colleague L.I. Brezhnev, 73-year-old seriously ill K.U. Chernenko. This was due to the desire of the gerontocrats to extend their power. The worst Brezhnev traditions began to revive again. An ideological campaign to improve developed socialism began, the fight against corruption and for discipline was curtailed. Economic indicators began to deteriorate, indicating the crisis of the situation. March 10, 1985 K.W. Chernenko died. Topic 22. The Soviet Union in 1985-1991. perestroika 22.1. prerequisites for restructuring. Attempts at economic transformation In March 1985, as a result of a behind-the-scenes struggle, a new political leadership headed by M.S. Gorbachev. Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU on the initiative of M.S. Gorbachev decides to start reforming society, which in the future will be called "perestroika". This period will become one of the most dramatic in recent national history. Perestroika was caused by an objective necessity, which was determined by crisis phenomena in all spheres of society. Initially, to achieve a rapid improvement in the state of affairs in the national economy, approaches were used that were traditional for the Soviet administrative-command system. The first practical step towards reform was the decisions taken at the April (1985) Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, which proclaimed a course to accelerate the socio-economic development of the country. This provided for the scientific and technical renewal of production and the achievement of a world level of labor productivity, the improvement of economic relations, and the activation of the entire system of political and social institutions. The emphasis was on accelerating scientific and technological progress. The main investments were directed to domestic engineering. The initiators of perestroika saw the immediate reserve for accelerating the need to restore order in production, strengthen discipline and improve organization. In May 1985, an anti-alcohol campaign began in the country. The production of wine and vodka products has sharply decreased, many hectares of vineyards in the south of the country have been cut down. As a result, revenues to the state budget were significantly reduced. The social and economic costs of such an initiative had the most negative impact on the course of perestroika. The accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant on April 26, 1986 led to serious consequences for the country: people died, tens of thousands of people received radioactive exposure, large areas of Ukraine, Belarus and the RSFSR were infected. It soon became clear that there was no acceleration and no fundamental changes in the economy, as traditional command-and-control measures were used. Therefore, the country's leadership, in order to revive the economy, began to look for new ways: to provide independence to enterprises, reduce planned indicators, and expand the scope of the non-state sector. The June (1987) Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU approved the main directions for the restructuring of economic management. The Law on the State Enterprise (Association) (1987) was adopted, and a resolution was approved on the restructuring of planning, pricing, and finance. The measures that were presented as radical economic reform included the following: granting independence to enterprises and transferring them to self-financing; reduction of planned indicators; a radical restructuring of the centralized management of the economy; creation of new organizational management structures; all-round development of the democratic foundations of management, the widespread introduction of self-government principles, including the election of heads of enterprises and organizations. But these measures did not receive real implementation, the dictate of the central departments in establishing all kinds of standards remained, the system of supplies according to "limits" dominated, there was no wholesale trade, and the pricing reform was dragged out. The development of private entrepreneurial activity began. The laws on cooperation and individual labor activity adopted in 1988 legalized private business in the production of goods and services. However, society showed hostility and distrust of free enterprise, resented the unusually high prices, feared the criminal nature of relations in this sector of the economy. By the end of 1988, the government led by N.I. Ryzhkova came to the realization that all previous attempts to revive the socialist economy by administrative methods had come to nothing. And it became clear that a transition to a market economy was necessary. In 1990, two options were prepared for transferring the country's economy to a market economy. One program was proposed by the government of N.I. Ryzhkov, and the other - by a group of economists led by Academician S.S. Shatalin and G.A. Yavlinsky. The government program was calculated for six years, and its main features were the compatibility of administrative and market principles, controllability of the price level and gradual, phased introduction of market mechanisms. Radical reformers grouped around B.N. Yeltsin, who then held the post of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, prepared their economic program "500 days" (S.S. Shatalin, G.A. Yavlinsky). It provided for a faster transition to a market economy. This program caused concern among many domestic and foreign scientists because of the supposed speed of transition to the market. Both options for the transition to market relations were presented in the fall of 1990 to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR for discussion, but neither project received support. M.S. Gorbachev was instructed to draw up a program based on them. The result was a very lengthy document "Basic Directions for the Stabilization of the National Economy and the Transition to a Market Economy", which was declarative in nature, reflecting intentions rather than a program for the transition to a market economy. Moreover, it soon became clear that none of the Union republics agreed to accept it for execution. The continued deterioration of the economic situation, the general shortage of goods and the introduction of coupons for basic consumer goods against the backdrop of unsuccessful attempts by the authorities to move to a market economy increased social tension in society. Strikes began in the country. In the summer of 1989, they covered almost all the coal regions of the USSR. At first, mainly economic demands were put forward (improvement of the financial situation, expansion of the independence of enterprises), and then, from the spring of 1990, political ones began to sound (limitation of the omnipotence of the CPSU, resignation of leaders of the country and regions, etc.), which was a reflection of the accelerating processes of polarization of society and an increase in the intensity of the struggle of political forces. At the end of 1990, in order to somewhat defuse the situation, M.S. Gorbachev decided to reorganize the Council of Ministers and create the Cabinet of Ministers under the President of the USSR. V.S. was appointed Prime Minister. Pavlov, who developed his own program of transition to the market, called anti-crisis. It provided for measures to denationalize and privatize property, stabilize the financial and credit system, attract foreign capital, etc. But the implementation of this program did not begin due to the subsequent turbulent political events (the August putsch of 1991, the collapse of the USSR, etc.) . 22.2. Reform of the political system and the struggle of socio-political forces M.S. Gorbachev and his supporters, based on the experience of the first years of reform, came to the conclusion that serious changes in the country are impossible without political reforms. Glasnost was the main asset of perestroika. It was she who was the main instrument with which political reform began. Since January 1987, on the basis of the decision of the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, elements of democracy began to be introduced into the political process: alternative elections of party secretaries were introduced, as well as the election of heads of enterprises and institutions, and the role of workers in production management increased. The next important step in reforming the political system was the XIX All-Union Party Conference (June 28 - July 1, 1988), the decisions of which gave impetus to reforms in the political sphere. For the first time, the goal was proclaimed - the creation in the USSR of civil society and the rule of law. The main directions of reforms in the political sphere were: - radical democratization of the election process by amending the electoral legislation (holding elections on an alternative basis in territorial districts and from public organizations); - the establishment of a two-level system of the highest representative power in the country - the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR and the Supreme Soviet, elected from the deputies of the Congress; - direct representation of public organizations in the highest legislative bodies. Of the 2250 deputies of the Congress of People's Deputies, 750 were elected from the CPSU, Komsomol, trade unions and other public organizations; - the transformation of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR into a permanent parliament engaged in lawmaking; - Creation of a new body of legal control - the Committee of Constitutional Supervision; - liquidation of the monopoly right of the CPSU to power by abolishing Art. 6 of the Constitution of the USSR, which fixed the leading role of the party in society. In essence, this became the legal basis and opened up opportunities for the formation of a multi-party system; - the establishment of the post of President of the USSR and the election by the III Congress of People's Deputies in March 1990 to this position M.S. Gorbachev; - change in the structure of the supreme executive power. Reorganization of the government and the creation of the Cabinet of Ministers, subordinate to the President of the USSR. The deeper the perestroika processes developed in the country, the sharper the struggle between various political forces became. The first direction is the struggle within the CPSU between representatives of various platforms - "democratic", "Marxist", etc. But the main clashes took place between M.S. Gorbachev and his supporters and their orthodox opponents from the power structures of the party and state apparatus, who believed that perestroika did not give real results and led further and further away from the ideas of socialism. The second direction is the struggle between the centrist line of M.S. Gorbachev and radical democrats who grouped around B.N. Yeltsin. Gradually, this line of confrontation, as the economic and political crisis grew, became the main one, and the political weight of the liberals (they were then called democrats) increased exponentially. The reform of the political system has produced mixed results. It undoubtedly led to a weakening of power in the center and in the localities (especially after the CPSU was removed from direct control of the state). But separatist-separate and nationalist tendencies began to appear, and social tension intensified. The standard of living of the majority of the population has deteriorated. However, the inevitable achievement of perestroika and the concrete result of political reforms was the destruction of the totalitarian system, the establishment of political freedom, freedom of speech and conscience, the beginning of the formation of a rule of law state and civil society, and the creation of a permanent parliament. 22.3. New political thinking and foreign policy By 1987, a foreign policy concept had been formed, which was called "new political thinking." It assumed the rejection of the confrontation between the two systems, recognized the integrity and indivisibility of the world, declared the priority of universal human values over class and ideological ones in the field of international relations. The process of normalizing relations between the West and the East, primarily with the United States, began. In 1987, an agreement was signed between the USSR and the USA on the destruction of intermediate and short-range missiles. In 1990, the USSR agreed to reduce its military presence in Europe and destroy a large number of conventional weapons. In July 1991, in Moscow, the presidents M.S. Gorbachev and George Bush Sr. signed an agreement on the reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms. Of great importance for international stability were the decisions of the USSR to withdraw troops from Afghanistan (the final withdrawal was completed by February 15, 1989) and the normalization of relations with China (1989). The new political thinking implied a rejection of the previous course towards the socialist countries (ie, a departure from the "Brezhnev doctrine"). In 1989, the forced withdrawal of Soviet troops from the Warsaw Pact countries began, which led to the growth of anti-socialist tendencies. Soon, during elections and velvet revolutions, these countries saw a change in the former communist leadership, and they began to orient themselves towards the West. M.S. Gorbachev and E.A. Shevardnadze (Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1985-1991) also agreed to the unification of the GDR and the FRG into a single state, but the Soviet Union did not receive any material or geopolitical benefits from this. In 1991, the military-political and economic structures of the former socialist countries were officially liquidated - the Organization of the Warsaw Pact countries (OVD) and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). The new political thinking in the field of foreign policy has produced conflicting results. On the one hand, the arms race and the threat of nuclear war have weakened. A real process of reduction and destruction of conventional and nuclear weapons has begun, and the Cold War has come to an end. Democratic changes have taken place in a number of countries. On the other hand, such a policy led to the defeat of the USSR in the Cold War, the liquidation of the entire world system of socialism, and the disintegration of the bipolar system of international relations that existed for almost the entire XNUMXth century. 22.4. Aggravation of interethnic relations Perestroika reforms did not give a quick positive result. The economic situation has worsened. In the context of the development of glasnost and democracy, open national conflicts began: - rallies and demonstrations in Alma-Ata (Kazakhstan) against Russification (1986); - the creation of popular fronts in the union republics, which turned into centers of separatist movements (since 1988), demanding an exit from the USSR; - The Karabakh problem, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. In 1988, the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, which was part of Azerbaijan, but inhabited by Armenians, demanded that its territory be transferred to Armenia. This became the basis of the conflict, including the armed one, between the two republics. The problem of Karabakh has not been settled so far; - the events in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989, when a nationalist demonstration was dispersed with the help of troops, became a tragedy. Many were injured and 19 people died; - unrest in Uzbekistan as a result of confrontation between Meskhetian Turks and Uzbeks (1989); - interethnic clashes in Kyrgyzstan (1989); - armed clashes in Abkhazia (since 1989). Since 1990, a "parade of sovereignties" has begun in the country. Declarations of sovereignty were adopted by most of the union republics. Russia also contributed to this process. On June 12, 1990, the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty with 907 votes against 13. Currently, this day is a national holiday of the Russian Federation. Under these conditions, the leadership of the USSR decided to start developing a new union treaty, which was supposed to provide broad rights to the union republics and create a reasonable balance of powers between them and the center. But conflicts between the republics and Moscow continued. In January 1991, the situation in Lithuania sharply escalated, which adopted laws aimed at legalizing independence. Political ultimatum to M.S. Gorbachev and an attempt to resolve this issue by force led to clashes between the army and the population of Vilnius, as a result of which 14 people were killed. These events caused a stormy resonance in the world and within the country, compromising the top Soviet leadership, and above all M.S. Gorbachev. On March 17, 1991, a referendum was held on the question of the preservation of the USSR; 76% of those who voted were in favor of preserving the Union. Six republics (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Armenia, Georgia, Moldova) boycotted the referendum. At the same time, a Russian referendum was held on the introduction of the post of President of the RSFSR (70% voted "for"). The elections of the first President of Russia took place on June 12, 1991, which were won by B.N. Yeltsin, who received 57,3% of the vote. In April 1991, consultations began with M.S. Gorbachev and the leaders of nine union republics on the conditions for the preservation of the USSR ("9 + 1"). They were very difficult, but at the cost of serious concessions to M.S. Gorbachev to the leaders of the republics, by the end of July 1991, the text of a new union treaty was prepared, the content of which was extremely controversial. The unification of the republics in the new Union of Sovereign States was supposed to be on a confederal basis. The signing of the agreement was scheduled for August 20, 1991. 22.5. August coup 1991 The collapse of the USSR and the collapse of perestroika Part of the top party and state leadership, dissatisfied with the policy of M.S. Gorbachev of the last years of perestroika, perceived the approaching signing of a new union treaty as a threat to the existence of a single state and to herself personally, since there was information about serious personnel changes after August 20, 1991. And active preparations began for the introduction of a state of emergency in the country. M.S. Gorbachev, who was on vacation in Crimea, was isolated at his residence in Foros. On the night of August 19, 1991, the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP) was created, which included the vice-president of the USSR G.I. Yanaev, Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, Minister of Defense D.T. Yazov, KGB Chairman V.A. Kryuchkov, Minister of the Interior B.K. Pugo and other leaders. They announced their intention to restore order in the country and prevent the collapse of the Union. Troops were sent to Moscow. The leadership of the RSFSR regarded the actions of the State Emergency Committee as a coup d'état and declared them illegal. At the call of the President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin, thousands of Muscovites stood up to defend the building of the Supreme Council of the Republic. The conspirators did not dare to order the arrest of the Russian leaders and the storming of the White House. They were inactive. On August 21, 1991, a deputy group headed by Vice President of Russia A.V. Rutskoi flew to the Crimea and freed M.S. Gorbachev from isolation. On the same day he returned to Moscow, and the leaders of the State Emergency Committee were arrested. The August coup failed. There is another interpretation of the August events. In accordance with it, emergency measures were prepared with the consent of M.S. Gorbachev, and it was necessary to restore order in the country during his absence in Moscow. But the actions of the Russian authorities and the behavior of the Muscovites who opposed the gekacheps were not calculated. Attempts by M.S. Gorbachev to take control of the country into his own hands again encountered resistance from the leaders of the republics. Through the efforts of the putschists, the central government was compromised. In Moscow, the President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin. The highest body of state power - the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR - on September 5, 1991, announced its self-dissolution and the transfer of power to the State Council, consisting of the leaders of the republics. M.S. Gorbachev as the head of a single state has become superfluous. On December 8, 1991, in Belovezhskaya Pushcha near Minsk, the leaders of Russia (B.N. Yeltsin), Ukraine (L.M. Kravchuk) and Belarus (S.S. Shushkevich) announced the denunciation of the Union Treaty of 1922, the termination of the existence of the USSR and creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The great power has ceased to exist. December 25, 1991 M.S. Gorbachev resigned as President of the USSR, which meant the end of perestroika. Topic 23. The Russian Federation at the present stage (1992-2007) 23.1. Radical socio-economic transformation of the country and its costs The collapse of the USSR and the collapse of perestroika drew a line under the attempts of socialist reformism. The crisis in all spheres of society, which accompanied the emergence of sovereign states on the ruins of the Soviet Union, was extremely difficult. In Russia, by the autumn of 1991, the situation in the economic sphere had become catastrophic, especially in the field of the country's food supply. Coupons were introduced in all cities. Often these coupons simply had nothing to buy. More than 60 out of 89 Russian regions did not have food grain reserves at all, and flour production was carried out due to the immediate (from wheels) processing of incoming grain by import. Foreign exchange reserves were almost completely exhausted, and for the first time in the entire existence of the state, the gold reserve was less than 300 tons on January 1, 1992. The ruble as a monetary unit was on the verge of death. This meant that there was no point in engaging in production activities, because nothing could be bought with the rubles earned from the sale. The country fell into collapse, the threat of hunger and cold became real. What to do in this situation? Theoretically, there were two ways: the first was to introduce emergency measures and supply the cities with food by force, but this way in the XNUMXth century. the country has already passed several times; the second is to liberalize the economy through radical reforms. In the last months of 1991, President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin formed a government consisting of young reformers, in which the leading role was played by the scientist-economist E.T. Gaidar. He was a proponent of liberal market reforms and took responsibility for the difficult and painful decisions to implement the reform. The situation in Russia was critical, and in 1992 a radical economic reform began to be implemented. Its first step was the liberalization of prices, that is, the rejection of their state regulation. Prices have increased tens and hundreds of times. But "shock therapy" soon gave the first results. Store shelves were filled with merchandise. However, the purchasing power of the majority of the population was low, since in such a situation all the savings of citizens were quickly spent, and wage growth was artificially restrained. Freedom of trade was allowed, the internal conversion of the ruble was introduced, and the legal possibility of exchanging for foreign currency appeared. A flood of imported goods poured onto the market, which worsened the position of domestic producers. The hopes associated with Russia's entry into the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1992 did not come true, multibillion-dollar loans from the West were not received, and most Western investors preferred not to take risks in the Russian market. The process of falling production has affected almost all areas of industry and agriculture. The economy was supported by the fuel and mining and metallurgical industries, as well as an increase in the export of their products. Economic reforms also covered the agrarian sector of the national economy. First of all, the legal foundations for the development of private farming were created. However, experience has shown that in the foreseeable future it will not be able to become a leader in agriculture, so the main problem was to transform collective farms and state farms into economic organizations capable of adapting to market conditions. For this purpose, a formal re-registration of farms was undertaken, during which land and funds were transferred to collectives of workers and pensioners and divided into conditional shares. Further, each owner of the share could decide to leave the farm with land and part of the property, or remain in the team. Thus, collective farms and state farms were actually separated from the state. At present, almost all farms in the country have been re-registered. Most of them have become collective farms with collectively shared ownership. Part of the farms was transformed into the so-called associations of peasant farms and cooperatives. But real economic practice has shown that the marketability of agriculture has not increased much from this. It still weakly competes with imported producers, and the crisis in the agricultural sector continues. Privatization was considered an important direction in carrying out economic reforms. With its help, it was supposed to carry out the process of denationalization of property and put an end to the state's inefficient monopoly in the sphere of production and circulation, thereby launching the mechanism of market competition. At the end of 1992, the issuance of privatization checks (vouchers) to the population with a nominal value of 10 rubles began, which they could invest in privatized enterprises and investment funds. It was assumed that in this way a fairly wide layer of owners would be created, which would become the basis for the formation of the country's middle class. But the uncontrolled buying of vouchers at reduced prices by commercial banks, individual wealthy people, and mafia structures began. As a result, voucherization did nothing for the majority of the population and did not make them, as the reformers believed, prosperous owners. The reforms proposed by E.T. Gaidar, exacerbated most of the social problems: chronic delays in the payment of wages began; unemployment appeared, the growth of which constantly increased; the criminogenic situation in society has become aggravated; the standard of living of a significant part of the population began to fall; property stratification, unprecedented in recent years, has become a reality; the demographic situation worsened (fall in the birth rate, increase in mortality); "brain drain" abroad has taken on a mass character, where decent conditions for work and life are created for them. The transformation of the socio-economic system was very difficult and had a negative trend in terms of gross domestic product (GDP) growth until 1996. The first signs of economic growth appeared in 1997, when industrial output increased compared to the previous year. The financial crisis of August 17, 1998, despite its severity and tragedy for part of the country's population, turned out to be a positive fact for the domestic industry. Financial pyramid schemes that diverted funds from the real sector of the economy collapsed, and excess imports decreased. Production (including in the military-industrial complex) began to revive. Favorable for Russia in 1999-2007. There was also a conjuncture for oil on world markets, which made it possible to significantly increase state revenues. Since 2000, GDP has had a steady, on average 6%, annual growth. During this period, Russia managed to pay off its external debts. However, much remains to be done before the Russian economy becomes strong, competitive and prosperous. 23.2. Socio-political development and the formation of a new Russian statehood The difficulties and costs of economic reforms at the initial stage of Russia's sovereign development sharply intensified the political struggle in the country and affected the relationship between the executive (President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation) and legislative (Supreme Council and Congress of People's Deputies) branches of power. The center of opposition to the Government was the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, headed by Chairman R.I. Khasbulatov. At the VII Congress of People's Deputies in December 1992, President B.N. Yeltsin, under the influence of a powerful wave of criticism of the Government, was forced to remove E.T. Gaidar and appointed V.S. Chernomyrdin, who supported the implementation of reforms, but was ready to correct them. However, the confrontation between the branches of government continued. Now the President himself has become the main object of criticism from the Supreme Council. A "cold war" began between the President of Russia and the Supreme Soviet, during which Vice President A.V. Rutskoy. In fact, dual power began to take shape in the country. In March-April 1993, an attempt was made to remove the President of the Russian Federation from office and an All-Russian referendum on confidence in the policy of the President was held. But none of the parties, following the results of the referendum, received decisive support from voters. In the fall of 1993, a long confrontation between the legislative and executive branches of the Russian government resulted in an open clash in the form of an armed conflict. Public calls for a peaceful resolution of the conflict through simultaneous elections of the Parliament and the President of the country were not heeded by the authorities. The leaders of the "irreconcilable opposition" led their armed supporters to the barricades. The President sent troops to Moscow. This confrontation led to bloodshed. The stronghold of the opposition - the building of the Supreme Council was shot from tanks and taken by storm. Opposition leaders were arrested. The victory of the presidential side made it possible to reform the political system and adopt a new Constitution of the country. On December 12, 1993, a nationwide vote took place on the adoption of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation, as a result of which it was approved by a majority of votes and entered into force. She drew a line under the Soviet period in Russian history. The 1993 constitution introduced a presidential republic in Russia, endowing the President with broad powers of authority with the right to appoint the head of government and dissolve the State Duma. It consolidated the federal form of the state, the division of branches of power into legislative, executive and judicial, a variety of types of property, including private property, broad rights and freedoms of citizens. The Federal Assembly, consisting of two chambers: the Federation Council and the State Duma, became the supreme body of legislative power. The Federation Council includes two representatives from the executive and representative branches of power of each of the 89 constituent entities of Russia. The State Duma is elected on the basis of a majoritarian system (single-mandate constituencies) and the representation of political parties, movements and organizations that can overcome the 5% barrier of votes. The formation of a multi-party system in Russia began. Simultaneously, on December 12, 1993, elections to the State Duma and the Federation Council were held. 13 political parties and movements took part in the election campaign. As a result of the elections, 450 deputies were elected. V.F. became the Chairman of the Federation Council. Shumeiko, Chairman of the State Duma - I.P. Rybkin. On December 17, 1995, new elections to the State Duma were held. This time 43 political parties and associations competed for seats in it. The elections showed the dissatisfaction of a significant part of the voters with government policy, so the communists took a leading position. G.N. was elected Chairman of the State Duma of the second convocation. Seleznev, Chairman of the Federation Council - E.S. Stroev. In 1996, elections of the President of the Russian Federation were held. According to the results of two rounds of voting, B.N. Yeltsin. In the second round, held on July 3, 1996, he won 37,02% of the votes, and his rival, communist leader G.A. Zyuganov - 27,72%. In 1996-1997 Elections of heads of administration were held in most of the 89 regions of Russia. As before, political relations in the Russian Federation remained very sharp. The political struggle between different political forces continued. Between President B.N. Yeltsin and the State Duma of 1995-1999 convocation. confrontation arose again. In May 1999, representatives of the communist opposition in the Duma again tried to initiate the process of removing B.N. Yeltsin from office, but did not get the required number of votes. The President himself carried out a series of resignations and appointments of heads of government. In March 1998, V.S. was dismissed. Chernomyrdin, who led the Government for more than five years. S.V., who replaced him Kirienko (April-August 1998), and then E.M. Primakov (September 1998 - May 1999) did not work in this post even for a year. In the Duma elections of 1999, the communists had a stable result, as before, but they did not receive a majority. It turned out to be in the hands of the new socio-political forces - "Unity" and "Fatherland - All Russia". In August 1999, V.V. Putin, who was first appointed head of the government, and then became Yeltsin's successor. December 31, 1999 B.N. Yeltsin, unexpectedly for everyone, voluntarily resigned from the post of President of the Russian Federation and, in accordance with the Constitution, transferred his powers to the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin. Thus ended the "Yeltsin era". On March 26, 2000, presidential elections were held, in which V.V. won in the first round, having received 52,94% of the votes. Putin, who became the second popularly elected President in the history of post-Soviet Russia. In May 2000, the Russian Government was headed by M.M. Kasyanov. The first reform of President V.V. Putin, after taking office, began to take measures to strengthen the vertical of state power and strengthen its centralization in the country, to achieve political stabilization in society. In accordance with the Decree of the President of May 13, 2000, Russia was divided into seven federal districts (Central, North-Western, Southern, Volga, Ural, Siberian and Far Eastern), which were headed by plenipotentiaries of the President of the Russian Federation. In August 2000, laws came into force allowing the President to remove the heads of subjects of the Federation, and the principles for the formation of the upper house of parliament, the Federation Council, were changed, according to which, from January 1, 2002, this body began to include not the heads of the executive and legislative (representative) authorities of the subjects of the Federation, and their representatives. A little later (September 1, 2002), the State Council of the Russian Federation was created with advisory and advisory functions, which included the heads of the executive authorities of the subjects of the Federation. The work of the Council was headed by the President. Thus, the leaders of the regions maintained contact with the supreme power of the country. The first term of the presidency of V.V. Putin was aimed at strengthening federal power and continuing social and economic transformations in the country. The course towards the liberalization of the economy was continued: the weakening of bureaucratic guardianship and state control over business activities; taking measures aimed at supporting small businesses; tax cuts and the introduction of a 13% income tax; start of pension reform. The most acute problem in the sphere of ethnic relations was the problem of relations between the federal center and the Chechen Republic. Back in 1991, General D. Dudayev headed for the independence of Chechnya from Russia and disbanded the local Supreme Council. On December 13, 1994, the Russian leadership began hostilities in Chechnya, which led to numerous casualties, primarily among the civilian population. But they did not end with a military victory over the supporters of the independence of the Chechen Republic. In August 1996 hostilities were terminated on the basis of the conclusion of the so-called Khasavyurt peace agreements. Formally, the question of the status of Chechnya was postponed, but in fact it continued to exist outside the jurisdiction of the Russian Federation. Gradually, the republic turned into an enclave of crime, terrorism and an extremely aggressive trend of Islam - Wahhabism. In August 1999, armed groups of Islamists invaded Dagestan, but received a fitting rebuff. It was V.V. Putin assumed responsibility for conducting a new counter-terrorist military operation in Chechnya in the autumn of 1999 to eliminate terrorist bases there and establish law and order within the framework of the Russian constitutional and legal space. In response, the militants organized a whole series of terrorist acts on the territory of Russia: residential buildings were blown up in Buynaksk, Moscow, Volgodonsk (September 1999); there was a hostage-taking at the Moscow Concert Center on Dubrovka (October 2002); explosions thundered in Tushino and on Tverskaya Street in Moscow (summer 2003); there was an inhuman taking of children hostage at a school in Beslan (North Ossetia, at the beginning of September 2004). Hundreds of people became victims of terror. Chechnya itself is moving towards peace in a complex and difficult way. On March 23, 2003, a referendum was held to adopt a new constitution for the republic, which was supported by 96% of those who voted. It lists Chechnya as an integral part of the Russian Federation. On October 5, 2003, the presidential elections in Chechnya were held, which were won by A. Kadyrov, a supporter of unity with Russia, who unfortunately died on May 9, 2004 as a result of a terrorist attack in Grozny. 7 political parties and electoral blocs took part in the elections of deputies to the State Duma, held on December 2003, 23. The pro-presidential United Russia party won a landslide victory. The new electoral bloc Rodina also entered the Duma. The parties "Yabloko" and "Union of Right Forces" did not receive the right to representation in parliament, which indicated a crisis of voters' confidence in right-wing political forces and a change in the electoral preferences of Russian citizens. On February 24, 2004, three weeks before the presidential elections, V.V. Putin dismissed the government headed by M.M. Kasyanov, suggesting M.E. Fradkov, whose candidacy was approved by the State Duma on March 5, 2004. A convincing victory in the presidential elections on March 14, 2004 was again won by V.V. Putin, for whom the majority of voters voted - 71,31%. During the second term of V.V. Putin continued to strengthen the vertical of state power. A transition was made to elections to the State Duma on party lists, with the establishment of a 7% electoral barrier of electoral support based on the results of voting, the procedure for approving the heads of subjects of the Federation was changed, and the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation was created. The formation of a multi-party system continued - new parties "A Just Russia" and "Civil Force" were formed. 23.3. Foreign policy activity in the new geopolitical situation The foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet period is characterized by the following features: - change of paradigms in world politics in connection with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the socialist system, which led to changes in the geopolitical space; - transition from a bipolar system of international relations to a multipolar and multi-vector foreign policy; - the emergence of a new direction in foreign policy - relations with the CIS countries (former Soviet republics). The main directions in the country's foreign policy since 1992 are: 1) problems of European security (Russia and NATO); 2) Russian-American relations; 3) relations with the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Security on the European continent, NATO's approach to Russian borders as a result of the admission of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary into its ranks, have become a priority in Russia's foreign policy. In 1996, our country joined the Council of Europe, an organization that considers all major European problems. In May 1997, a document defining relations between Russia and NATO was signed in Paris. A new step in this direction was the Declaration "Russia-NATO Relations: A New Quality" (May 2002), in accordance with which for consultations and the development of joint decisions and actions of Russia and NATO member states on a wide range of security issues in the Euro-Atlantic region The Russia-NATO Council was established. In 1997, at a meeting in Denver (USA) of the heads of the seven largest industrialized countries, Russia's entry into the Paris and London clubs of creditors was approved. Russia finally became one of the leading countries of the world (the so-called G1998) in XNUMX. Russian-American relations have always occupied an important place in the international activities of both countries. The Russian leadership took a number of initiatives: about 600 strategic missiles were removed from combat duty, in January 1993 an agreement was signed on the further reduction of strategic offensive arms (START-2), which provided for the reduction of 2/3 of the number of nuclear warheads. Relations with the United States continue to develop dynamically. President Vladimir Putin was one of the first to express support for the United States in the fight against international terrorism after the attack on American cities in September 2001. Relations between Russia and the CIS countries are developing on an equal footing. Meetings of heads of state are held periodically, at which many economic, political, military, migration and other issues are agreed upon. In May 1995, a customs union was created between Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Russia and Belarus decided to strengthen integration by creating a union state, the formation of which is not easy. In 1997, an important agreement on friendship, cooperation and partnership between Russia and Ukraine was signed. With the help of Russian troops, the centers of armed conflicts in Tajikistan, Moldova, Georgia, and Nagorno-Karabakh were extinguished. In 1992, six CIS countries (Russia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan) signed a collective security treaty. The processes of economic integration are complex and difficult. In September 2003, the presidents of Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan signed framework agreements on the creation of a single economic space zone. At the same time, objectively, Russia continues to play a leading role in the post-Soviet space. Russia's relations with Asian, African and Latin American states are developing to mutual advantage. The leading role here is occupied by relations with China, which is one of the largest states in the world. In July 2001, a Russian-Chinese partnership agreement for a period of 20 years was signed in Moscow, which laid the foundations for broad cooperation. In August 2003, during a visit by V.V. Putin signed a major contract for the supply of Russian military fighter jets to Malaysia, which seriously strengthened relations between the two countries. Cooperation with Vietnam is actively developing in the field of oil production, with Iran - on the construction of a nuclear power plant, which, however, causes sharp dissatisfaction with the United States. In 1994, Russia became a member of the International Organization of the Pacific Rim, which created favorable opportunities for trade with them. It was not easy to develop relations with Japan, for which the main issue of all contacts with Russia was and remains the problem of the Kuril Islands. India continues to be a traditional economic and political partner, with which in January 1993 an agreement on friendship and cooperation was signed, and an agreement was concluded on the transfer of cryogenic rocket engines to it. A new impetus to domestic foreign policy was given by the active work of President V.V. Putin in the international arena. He established personal partnerships with the leaders of most states. Russia's prestige in the world has noticeably increased. In 2000, in Moscow, the President approved a new concept of Russia's foreign policy, which proceeded from a multipolar system of international relations, which really reflects the diversity of the modern world with the diversity of its interests. Russia's place in the world was defined as a great Eurasian power, responsible for maintaining security on the globe in all directions, both at the global and regional levels. Thus, in its international policy, Russia strives for a lasting peace, the establishment of partnership relations with all countries, inclusion in the orbit of world economic ties on an equal and non-discriminatory basis. Notes
Authors: Kirillov V.V., Kulagina G.M.
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